我国公共场所图像监视法律治理路径分析

在过去的近十年中，我国的公共图像监视在政策、项目及资金等支持下得到迅猛发展。在我国特定的政治与社会背景下，公共场所图像监视是社会治安综合治理与公共安全技术防范系统的一个组成部分．呈现出政策创议、项目推动的发展历程。在法律治理和回应性法制视角下，公共图像监视法律治理是对公共图像监视实践的法律回应。目前，我国已初步构建起涵盖宪法、社会治安综合治理法律文件、公共安全技术防范法律文件、具体领域法律文件以及公共场所图像监视法律文件等公共场所图像监视法律治理的体系，但该体系仍然存在急需健全和完善的层面。     

银行危机处置过程中的股东权利限制研究

银行危机处置过程中股东权利限制是危机时期社会规制的需要,规制的原因包括维护金融稳定、预防系统性风险的发生、维护存款者的市场信心和预防股东道德风险发生。但股东权利保护是现代企业制度的核心内容,这就在"限制"与"保护"之间形成矛盾,这是银行生存的不同时期,股东行使权利正当性基础的差别造成的。因此,分析银行运行不同时期股东权行使的正当性基础,是论证银行危机处置期股东权利限制必要性的基础,同时,股东权利的限制必然影响到公司治理中利益相关主体间的权利结构平衡,故从法律规制和银行公司治理结构调整两个方面对"矛盾"的协调提出完善的建议。     

我国农村生态环境治理存在的问题与对策研究——以陕西省为例

近年来我国农村生态环境治理取得了很大的成就,从陕西省的治理实践来看,我国农村仍存在生活污染、种植业污染、养殖业污染、工业污染等问题;从总体看,当前农村生态环境治理进展不平衡、长效机制不健全、推进速度有待提升、农民生态环境治理的参与度不高。导致上述问题的主要原因是农村生态环境治理中的政府职能不足,农民环保意识不强、生产生活习惯改进难,资金投入不足,环境管理体系不健全,宣传力度不够。根据陕西农村生态环境治理的现状,推动农村生态环境治理机制创新,构建党委领导、政府主导、社会协同、公众参与的协同治理机制,是实现农村生态环境善治的有效途径。     

How is it Possible for Democracies to Effectively Tackle Long-Term Problems?

ABSTRACT

The aim of this essay is to examine if and how it is possible for the political system of democracy to effectively tackle long-term public problems that are wicked in nature, taking climate crisis as an example. It consists of four sections. The first section is devoted to a brief historical overview of the conflict between eco-authoritarianism and ecological democracy. The following section examines if and to what extent “environmental pessimism” – disillusionment with the ability of liberal/capitalist democracies to effectively tackle long-term environmental problems – which has made a remarkable comeback since late 1980s, is empirically grounded, on the basis of performance evaluation of the contracting parties to the Kyoto Protocol (adopted on 11 December 1997 and entered into force on 16 February 2005), and the Climate Change Performance Index that evaluates and ranks the climate mitigation performance of 58 countries responsible for over 90 per cent of global energy-related CO₂ emissions, released every year by Germanwatch and Climate Action Network Europe. The third section focuses on more theoretical/normative issues, critically examining the cogency of a claim, made by no small number of environmental pessimists, that democratic institutions, due to their myopic tendencies, usually work systematically to the disadvantage of future generations. The last section is devoted to the examination of measures thus far advocated and partly put into practice for correcting the myopic tendencies of democracy, emphasizing the vital need for non-representative measures, or self-restraint mechanisms built into democracy itself, whose primary function lies in preventing democracy from degenerating due to the influence of the myopic majority, thereby protecting ecological sustainability and the well-being of future generations.     

Feminism in the Humanitarian Machine. Introduction to the Special Section on ‘The Politics of Intervention Against (Conflict-Related) Sexual and Gender-based Violence’

ABSTRACT

The prevention and mitigation of sexual and gender-based violence in (post-) conflict societies has become an important humanitarian activity. This introductory article examines the analytical discourses on these interventions, the institutionalization of SGBV expertise in international politics, and the emancipatory potential of anti-SGBV practices. It argues that the confluence of feminist professional activism and militarized humanitarian interventionism produced specific international activities against SGBV. As part of the institutionalization of gender themes in international politics, feminist emancipatory claims have been taken up by humanitarian organizations. The normal operating state of the humanitarian machine, however, undercuts its potential contribution to social transformation towards larger gender equality in (post-) conflict societies.     

Contesting land grabs,negotiating statehood: the politics of international accountability mechanisms and land disputes in rural Cambodia

Abstract

In Cambodia, rural citizens embroiled in protracted land grabbing cases with the state and private companies are turning increasingly to international accountability mechanisms for resolution. This article applies the interlinked concepts of hybrid governance and legal pluralism to understand the prospects and limitations of ‘forum-shopping’ through appeals to international mechanisms for rural communities affected by land grabs. Drawing on interviews and using process tracing, it examines the outcomes of a mediation case filed with the International Finance Corporation’s Compliance Advisor/Ombudsman (CAO) involving indigenous groups and a Vietnamese rubber company in north-east Cambodia. It argues that while international accountability mechanisms yield platforms for dispossessed groups to assert claims, they also reify choices between entitlements and attainability without circumventing the problems associated with justice delivery under Cambodia’s authoritarian regime. Overall, this study highlights the interaction, competition and collaboration between distinct forms of regulatory authority exercised by national and transnational actors involved in land grabbing cases in Cambodia, demonstrating their role in ‘negotiating statehood’ by governing local claims to land.     

从项目嵌入到组织社会:村级集体经济发展的新趋势及其类型学研究

发展和壮大村级集体经济是乡村振兴战略的重要内容。既有研究在探讨村级集体经济问题时较多地聚焦于其功能和目的、历史与现实、发展原则和要求,而较少关注到村级集体经济的发展趋势及其在不同村庄所呈现出的异质性特征。基于"项目嵌入-公众参与"的二维分析框架和浙北J市S镇的田野调查发现:新时期村级集体经济发展出现了由依赖纵向国家项目嵌入向组织和激活横向社会网络转变的新趋势,其发展形式呈现出政社耦合型、社会嵌入型、政治嵌入型和双重脱嵌型四种理论类型。村级集体经济发展类型上的差异也导致了其在村庄治理实践中发挥的分配、互惠、悬浮、兜底保障等不同功能,以及国家治理机制上的分殊。此外,村级集体经济的发展在不同类型的村庄面临着不尽相同的内外限制性条件。     

Development as recolonization: the political ecology of the Endosulphan disaster in Kasargod,India

This paper examines the Endosulphan pesticide disaster in Kasargod, Kerala, India. The paper argues that the pesticide disaster was the culmination of an agrarian modernization project implemented in the region by the state-owned Plantation Corporation of Kerala (PCK). An exploration of the political ecology of the disaster shows the recolonization of residents and nature by PCK through neocolonial forms of centralized and exclusionary spatial and resource control mechanisms. In this context, the paper questions the glorification of the “Kerala model” of development from the standpoints of environmental justice and resource rights, relying on the lived experiences of the people of Kasargod.     

浅议不可量物侵害

不可量物侵害是民法上的一个重要概念,我国《物权法》首次规定了这一制度.文章研究了不可量物侵害的性质和各国的立法模式,评价了我国《物权法》相关规定的优缺点,并探究了容忍义务的理论基础,最后阐明了不可量物侵害与环境污染之间的关系.     

Old and New Labour Narratives of Whitehall: Radicals,Reactionaries and Defenders of the Westminster Model

This article argues that throughout its history, the leadership of the Labour Party has chosen to embrace a benign view of the Civil Service, as part of a wider acceptance of the constitutional status quo reflected in the Westminster model. There has nevertheless been a long tradition in the wider Labour movement that has questioned whether Whitehall is capable of working for a government with radical aspirations. This article examines Labour's historical approach towards Whitehall, before reflecting on the extent to which the present Administration, while appealing to radical and reforming rhetoric has, like its predecessors, continued to embrace the status quo. It concludes by arguing that a contemporary and credible narrative capable of challenging the Westminster model has yet to emerge from the broader movement.