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171.
党校做到"三个最早",即中央、自治区重大理论和方针的最早学习者、宣传者,市委、市政府重要决策部署的最早研究者、实践者,基层和群众重要典型、经验的最早总结者、推介者。党校的特殊地位、作用和基本任务是党校做到"三个最早"的现实依据,党校做到"三个最早"具有十分重要的意义。党校做到"三个最早"必须建立健全工作机制、整合资源、加强自身建设,着力提升科研和咨政能力。  相似文献   
172.
South Africa was colonized by European powers from as early as the seventeenth century and all aspects of the indigenous population were transformed, alternatively, subjected to the norms of life of the colonial powers. This led to the erosion of African names and the replacement therefore by colonial names. The South African Geographical Names Council Act is intended to address this legacy.  相似文献   
173.
中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是具有中国特色的政党制度。关于这项制度在宪法的原则性规定、党的文件、政协章程以及党和国家领导人的谈话中都有所涉及,形成了相对比较完善的规范体系,而且在规范政党关系方面确实起到了十分重要的作用。但还是有一定的局限性,缺乏具体的、可操作的法律制度的保障。因此,把中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度逐步法治化,完善各项规范,使政党关系主要由法律规范来调整,应当成为我国政党制度建设的一项重要内容。  相似文献   
174.
在现代社会,价值多元、利益分化,传统的刑事诉讼模式过分强调对抗,这种所谓"争斗模式"自身存在无法解决的种种矛盾,而以家庭模式为代表的合作型刑事诉讼模式提倡控辩双方通过对话与合作,寻求案件的解决.合作型刑事诉讼模式的产生,是与现代国家的发展样态相适应的,因此有必要对格里费斯的家庭模式重新加以探讨,以应对刑事程序的改革.  相似文献   
175.
Due to increasing caseloads and inadequate staffing, the burden on Coroner/Medical Examiner Offices to comply with recommended autopsy limits for forensic pathologists (FPs) has been difficult. Since 2006, pathologists at the University of Alabama at Birmingham have performed select autopsies for the Alabama Department of Forensic Sciences. Each case was reviewed by a state FP and scene investigator to determine appropriateness for referral. All referred cases received full postmortem examination including microscopic examination and collection of toxicological samples, and toxicology was ordered by the referring FP as appropriate. The final cause and manner of death were determined by the referring state FP after review of all findings. A majority of the 421 cases were ruled accidental deaths (233), most due to drug toxicity. Of the 178 natural deaths, 118 were attributed to cardiovascular disease. Outsourcing select forensic cases can be educational and an effective tool to manage workflow without compromising quality.  相似文献   
176.
近年来国内对协商民主展开了热烈的学术讨论。其主要关注点:一是在协商民主理论本身,包括其内涵、特征、作用与价值;二是在对协商民主的中国式应用以及中国本土成长起来的协商民主模式与西方协商民主的异同比较。通过这种理论介绍与探讨,有助于加强学界对中国特色民主政治建设的思考。  相似文献   
177.
Regulatory impact assessments frequently embed stakeholder consultations in their design. Canada was one of the early adopters of such an approach and therefore has systematic documentation on the actors taking part in these consultations. This article asks whether these consultations have an influence on regulatory change and whether business disproportionally benefits from them. After converting the documentation into data, we find that these consultations do in fact matter: the more diversified the stakeholders taking part, the more stringent the changed regulations. But we also found that for a subset of regulatory changes, those likely to carry high economic stakes, business takes advantage of the consultation, often obtaining some reduction in regulatory stringency. These reductions, however, are conditioned on the limited presence of opposing views expressed during the consultations.  相似文献   
178.
心理危机干预是一种特殊的心理咨询服务。危机干预在处理各种“应激”中将发挥积极作用。提升危机干预的能力应成为今后高校心理咨询的任务之一  相似文献   
179.
Abstract

The article focuses on two flagship initiatives – the open method of co-ordination and online consultations – in which the European Union aimed to improve democratic legitimacy through collaborative governance. Offering an analytical framework to scrutinize the large body of existing theoretical and empirical research, the article concludes that not only were the high expectations on the effects of applied governance disappointed, the results also hint at larger, more general implications for the governance concept that, in contrast to the high expectations, appears to be indeed strongly dependent on government-like conditions to operate successfully.  相似文献   
180.
ABSTRACT

The Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of 2005 was successful in ending the longest war in contemporary Africa. However, its implementation has been below the expectations of several communities, particularly in the war-torn regions of the Nuba Mountains, the Southern Blue Nile and the Abyei Area, widely referred to as ‘contested’, ‘marginalised’, ‘transitional’ areas or ‘border territories’. While many interwoven causes were behind the eruption of the protracted civil wars in the Sudan (Elnur 2009; Johnson 2006; Khalid 1987), the political question of sub-national identities and their intrinsic link with specific territories (Murphy 1991; William and Smith 1993) is hypothesised here as a prime factor in extending the civil war into these three areas. Taking the Nuba and their claimed territory of the Nuba Mountains as an example, this article will, first, trace the political striving of the Nuba people and their shift from peaceful political movement to armed struggle; second, it will examine their political status during the peace negotiation process; and third, it will analyse their political responses to the outcome of the CPA and its impact on their future political choices in view of the April 2010 election results, and the projected right to self-determination for the people of Southern Sudan, to be exercised through the referenda in 2011.  相似文献   
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