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911.
袁书华 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2009,23(2)
农民工在城市从事的都是以"生存经济"为特征的低收入工作,收入的效用对他们比较大,因而他们的无差异曲线比较平坦;农民工的技能水平低并且可支配时间被人为地缩短了,因此他们的预算线也比较平坦,由此决定了农民工的效用最大化水平相对于城市居民要低.但农民工所参照的群体是农村居民而非城市居民,因此进城打工的收入只要高于农村收入,他们就会接受这份工作. 相似文献
912.
纪荣凯 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2010,(4)
《劳动合同法》虽然规定了劳务派遣工有同工同酬的权利,但现实生活中同工不同酬是不争的事实,不仅表现在基本工资、加班加点工资、奖金、各类津贴和补贴等显性利益分配方面,还表现在劳动安全保障费、教育培训费、社会保险费等隐性利益分配方面。破解劳务派遣工同工不同酬难题,最关键的是要从源头上根治,在立法上确保劳务派遣工同工同酬,同时还要多措并举。一方面,相关职能部门要切实履行好自身职责;另一方面,需要劳动者提高维权意识,用法律的武器维护自身权益。 相似文献
913.
建立法治型“泛珠”区域劳务合作机制的思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
区域劳务合作法律协调机制是法治型"泛珠"区域劳务合作机制的核心,因此,建立法治型"泛珠"区域劳务合作机制,对于巩固合作成果,推动合作向深度和广度发展具有重要的现实意义.这个法律体系既应具备国家制定的区域经济合作的法律,又应具有地方立法协调法律机制、合作运行机制等. 相似文献
914.
James Angus Fraser Thiago Cardoso Angela Steward Luke Parry 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(7):1382-1409
ABSTRACTEconomistic approaches to the study of peasant livelihoods have considerable academic and policy influence, yet, we argue, perpetuate a partial misunderstanding – often reducing peasant livelihood to the management of capital assets by rational actors. In this paper, we propose to revitalize the original heterodox spirit of the sustainable livelihoods framework by drawing on Stephen Gudeman’s work on the dialectic between use values and mutuality on the one hand, and exchange values and the market on the other. We use this approach to examine how historically divergent mutuality-market dialectics in different Amazonian regions have shaped greater prominence of either extractivism or agriculture in current livelihoods. We conclude that an approach centered on the mutuality-market dialectic is of considerable utility in revealing the role of economic histories in shaping differential peasant livelihoods in tropical forests. More generally, it has considerable potential to contribute to a much-needed re-pluralization of approaches to livelihood in academia and policy. 相似文献
915.
R. Keller Kimbrough 《Women & Performance》2013,23(1):59-78
Kara Walker's 2005 multimedia creation, Song of the South, marks an important transitional moment in Walker's critical artistic practice, described in this essay as a ‘performative turn’. A close study of the work reveals Walker's increasing attentiveness to engage with the viewer's presence as well as incorporating her own personal and collective experiences as an African-American woman with even greater intimacy than in her previous projects. These elements, combined with Walker's use of filmic interventions and her own body as both a represented image and live performer, result in the production of a richly layered and provocative work of art. Song of the South reflects Walker's continued ability to exacerbate the stinging wounds of history while challenging us to address the trauma of the past as manifested in today's societal ills. 相似文献
916.
Gina Velasco 《Women & Performance》2013,23(3):350-372
The 2005 video/performance art piece, Always a Bridesmaid, Never a Bride, by the Filipina American performance-art ensemble, the Mail Order Brides, examines the role of affective labor in constituting gay marriage as a form of US homonational belonging. In a contemporary context of capitalist globalization, Always a Bridesmaid, Never a Bride critiques the subjugation of the third-world woman worker within a queer neoliberal logic, highlighting the inability of the mainstream US LGBT movement to address issues of race, migration, and labor. The Mail Order Brides enact forms of feminist camp and ethnic drag to denaturalize the affective labor that is embodied within the figure of the Filipina “mail-order bride.” In doing so, Always a Bridesmaid, Never a Bride links an analysis of transnational Filipina labor with a critique of queer cultural politics in the US In its critique of queer neoliberalism, Always a Bridesmaid, Never a Bride builds on and contributes to queer of color social movements committed to racial and economic justice. 相似文献
917.
工会参与基层劳动争议调解机制研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
龚钰淋 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2013,28(2):39-42
我国虽然在现有劳动争议处理程序的各个环节都对工会的作用作出了相关规定,但由于工会缺乏独立性、劳动争议处理程序缺乏法律的强制性保障等原因,工会参与劳动争议处理大多流于形式,应逐步完善工会参与基层劳动争议调解机制,切实发挥工会维权职能。 相似文献
918.
Covell Meyskens 《二十世纪中国》2015,40(3):238-260
AbstractIn the late 1960s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) became concerned that the United States or the Soviet Union might invade. To protect national sovereignty, the Party carried out a massive campaign to industrialize China's West called the Third Front. This article focuses on Third Front railway building. It shows that, although Third Front railroads initially had problems, they eventually integrated large parts of western China into nationwide industrial networks, which accelerated and standardized regional transportation. To build railroads, the CCP compensated for the country's shortage of industrial capital with massive inputs of labor. This industrialization strategy placed a heavy burden on rural men. To boost morale, the CCP organized thought campaigns that praised hard work as a revolutionary contribution to China's industrialization and defense. This collective narrative of national security and industrial progress never entirely silenced discontent, but it did provide workers with a way to think about hardship. 相似文献
919.
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera 《Labor History》2016,57(3):323-346
Mexico experienced the twentieth century’s first social revolution, a decade of struggle from which emerged a new political regime – a post-revolutionary authoritarian or single-party state one – with President Lázaro Cárdenas as leader by 1934. This post-revolutionary creation included organized labor and peasants, a strong interventionist state and a hegemonic party. Cárdenas’ U.S. counterpart, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, too, was leading dramatic ‘New Deal’ institutional and political revolution in the 1930s and 1940s that spawned a new order of expanded federal government, a renovated Democratic Party, and new movements and interest groups, notably, labor. Both nations featured the same major actors: the state, political parties, and organized labor. Both presidents calculated that preserving labor alliances was crucial for formation and legitimization of a new political order, for maintaining conditions conducive to private-sector investment and economic growth, and for political and economic crisis management. Labor’s growing role reshuffled corporatist alliances within and between international neighbors. This study places Mexico and the United States in comparative context in the early twentieth century and analyzes elite control and inclusion of organized labor in transformation of political landscapes in two different political regimes – a democratic one couched in an established constitution and a post-revolutionary authoritarian one born of a bloody upheaval. 相似文献
920.
杨柏达 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2016,(1):30-34
我国劳动争议中的“一裁终局”制度,是我国的《劳动争议阔解仲裁法》在基本维持传统“一裁两审·
处理机制的基础上,具有原创性的制度设计。但该制度的实际执行效果并未完全达到立法者的预期。司法实践中适用
“一裁终局”存在诉权受限面临法理质疑、劳动仲裁公信力不足,一裁终局实际执行效果不理想等问题,亟待解决。因
此,统一对一裁终局适用范固的理解、扩大劳动争改一我终局的适用范固、完善我国劳动仲裁监督机制等成为解决此
间题的合理方案。 相似文献