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71.
张万余 《天水行政学院学报》2008,(6):63-66
中国共产党的性质和宗匕,决定了它自诞生之日起,就把实现社会公平正义作为自己永恒的价值目标;公平正义是社会主义和谐社会的价值准则;现阶段,加快推进以改善民生为重点的社会建设,是实现社会公平正义的重大战略举措。 相似文献
72.
分析、比较农村和城镇不同年龄劳动者报酬表明,年龄与劳动报酬之间存在着显著的倒"U"型关系,农村劳动者36~40岁年龄段报酬最高,城镇劳动者41~45岁年龄段报酬最高。 相似文献
73.
Robert van der Veen 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2019,22(3):253-268
AbstractOne major way of arguing for the moral attractiveness of luck egalitarianism is indirect; it consists in showing that the view follows from competing views on distributive justice which one actually endorses. Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen (KLR) claims that luck egalitarianism is indirectly supported in this way by Rawls’s intuitive argument for the difference principle. That argument begins by asserting that the impact of social and natural contingencies on distributive shares is unjust. After clarifying the notion of indirect support, I argue against KLR’s claim. Whether the argument goes on to support luck egalitarianism is a matter of interpretation which can only be decided by looking closer at what Rawls has to say about the difference principle than KLR’s own treatment of the argument allows. In its most plausible reading, the intuitive argument veers away from luck egalitarianism in favor of a non-egalitarian view of the difference principle as a principle of compensating advantage. On this view, inequality due to bad luck is not in any respect unjust when the least advantaged cannot be made better off under alternative arrangements. In conclusion I explain why there are good reasons of fairness to understand the difference principle in this way. 相似文献
74.
张百杰 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2014,(4):114-115
2014’辽宁政法理论年会以"司法改革与公平正义"为主题,组织辽宁省政法系统的法律工作者就司法体制改革、法律监督、中国梦与法制建设、量刑规范化、政法队伍建设等多个论题展开了深入研讨,展示了辽宁省政法系统理论研究的最新成果。 相似文献
75.
Ron Johnston 《The Political quarterly》2013,84(2):200-210
From September 2012 most home undergraduates at English universities are being charged fees of £9,000 per annum. These are funded by a government loan, which attracts interest from the moment they start their course; after three years their accumulated debt exceeds £30,000. They can also borrow to cover their living costs, on the same terms, so that those studying in London can graduate with a debt of more than £50,000—although those from low‐income families can obtain grants and universities are encouraged to provide bursaries and other support to students from underrepresented groups. Graduates start repaying their debts once their annual income exceeds £21,000—at a rate of 9% of the difference between their income and that figure: until the debt is fully repaid it continues to attract interest, by as much as three percentage points above the current inflation rate. Using data from a calculator on a government website, this paper shows that the highest‐paid graduates pay back less than those on middle incomes: the ‘squeezed middle’ pays back more not only than those on low incomes but also the better‐paid and those whose incomes increase more rapidly. This has differential effects according to occupation—and sex; and middle‐income groups also contribute more to the costs of widening participation programmes, which all universities charging more than £6,000 per annum are required to fund. 相似文献
76.
从源头上防治腐败的本质是维护正义 ,而正义往往与程序公正联系在一起 ,本文的主旨是用程序捍卫公平正义 ,做到从源头上防治腐败。 相似文献
77.
A. Diduck 《Feminist Legal Studies》2001,9(2):173-183
In the recent U.K. decision of White v.White, the House of Lords clarified thelaw to be applied in applications under s. 25of the Matrimonial Causes Act 1973. Itconfirmed that the overriding goal of the courtin such cases was to achieve fairness, but,crucially, it articulated a view of fairnesswhich took equality and non-discrimination asstarting points. On this view, the courtchallenged historically gendered assumptions offairness, contribution to the family welfare,and the value of different kinds of work. Whilethe decision has far-reaching potential toachieve a form of substantive equality forwomen in cases of divorce, there is a dangerthat it may be confined to those cases, andissues of family finances will continue toappear unrelated to broader state policies. 相似文献
78.
金泽刚 《上海政法学院学报》2000,15(2):35-38
沉默权作为刑事诉讼活动的重要规则 ,已有三百多年的历史。沉默权是西方国家普遍承认的被控犯罪嫌疑人的基本人权 ,其价值蕴涵主要表现在两个方面 :一是体现程序正义理念 ,二是实现人权保障和惩治犯罪的统一 相似文献
79.
宪政意义上税收的价值取向是捐税正义,能够体现捐税正义宪政精神的税法原则是税收公平原则和税收法定原则。税收公平原则是捐税正义的直接体现,税收法定原则是捐税正义的法律保障。在税收公平原则和税收法定原则中,税收公平原则高于税收法定原则。 相似文献
80.
ABSTRACTIn what sense, and to what extent, should a liberal state be secular? Many interpret liberal-egalitarian political theory as dictating a radical separation between church and state. Against this view, Cécile Laborde has powerfully argued that, in fact, liberal-egalitarianism is not committed to strict separation as such. Laborde understands the liberal-egalitarian commitment to separation as ultimately grounded on a principle of neutrality. However, she argues that the conception of neutrality to which liberal egalitarians are committed is much more ‘restricted’ than it is often thought. If a commitment to separation is derivative from a commitment to neutrality, then, if neutrality is restricted, secularism is minimal. This means that not all forms of religious establishment should be regarded as impermissible from a liberal-egalitarian perspective. Contra Laborde, I argue that restricted neutrality should not be understood as the only ground of separation. Separation has plural grounds. Forms of religious recognition that do not violate any of the requirements of restricted neutrality may still be regarded as impermissible from a liberal-egalitarian perspective, if they (1) violate a basic commitment to fairness, (2) treat citizens in a patronizing way and/or (3) violate, in their justification, a requirement of sincerity, as grounded on reciprocity. 相似文献