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21.
本文考察了1949年建国前中国男权家庭中,父权与夫权的交织作用对夫妇权力关系的影响。其基本方法是跳出性别分析方法的局限,将家庭男权制度置于父系继嗣的体系中去研究,从而揭示已婚妇女在代际和夫妻权力关系方面错综复杂、起伏跌宕的婚姻历程。研究发现,在大家庭里,当父权起主导作用时,年轻夫妻均无权力,婆婆受父权的保护,受父权压迫最大的是家中儿媳。在"反哺"阶段,夫权往往用来保证男方的父母老有所养,而非完全满足男方的私利。夫妻之间,妻子通过生育子嗣和参与家庭事务逐步纳入父系体系,增强了丈夫对她们维系父系家庭的依赖性,在一定程度上抑制了夫权对她们的约束。本文展示了至少在中国部分的父系继嗣家庭中,当夫权遇到父权时,性别与代际权力出现多重性,易变性和内争性,从而造成夫权时强时弱,时有时无,既同父权遥相呼应,又与其发生冲突。因此,中国传统男权家庭中妇女的地位在一生中是变动不定的。中国妇女在父系家庭中的地位也只有放置于纵(父权)横(夫权)两个轴心当中,通观她们的全部生活历史才能完全展示出来。 相似文献
22.
当今大学生是一个庞大而特殊的消费群体,在社会各方面因素的影响下,他们的消费心理、消费观念、消费方式等也不尽相同。然而,由于大学生还未迈入社会,他们的经济主要来源于家庭,是纯粹的消费者,属于"寄生型"消费者。本文主要通过对当前在杭高校大学生消费现状及其家庭背景的调查,分别探讨他们的消费行为与其家庭背景之间存在的相关关系。 相似文献
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家事事件程序的法理分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
台湾学者邱联恭教授提出了诉讼法理与非讼法理交错适用理论,家事事件程序交错适用诉讼法理和非讼法理是必要的和可能的,通常有三种情形.家事诉讼与非讼的集中交错以裁量权和对审权为中心.家事审判职权主义的特征使它与非讼程序有着某些相统点,因此家事诉讼事件可以一定程度的非讼化. 相似文献
25.
EMMA BUDDE STEPHAN HEICHEL STEFFEN HURKA CHRISTOPH KNILL 《European Journal of Political Research》2018,57(2):427-449
Current comparative policy research gives no clear answer to the question of whether partisan politics in general or the partisan composition of governments in particular matter for different morality policy outputs across countries and over time. This article addresses this desideratum by employing a new encompassing dataset that captures the regulatory permissiveness in six morality policies that are homosexuality, same‐sex partnership, prostitution, pornography, abortion and euthanasia in 16 European countries over five decades from 1960 to 2010. Given the prevalent scepticism about a role for political parties for morality policies in existing research, this is a ‘hard’ test case for the ‘parties do matter’ argument. Starting from the basic theoretical assumption that different party families, if represented in national governments to varying degrees, ought to leave differing imprints on morality policy making, this research demonstrates that parties matter when accounting for the variation in morality policy outputs. This general statement needs to be qualified in three important ways. First, the nature of morality policy implies that party positions or preferences cannot be fully understood by merely focusing on one single cleavage alone. Instead, morality policy is located at the interface of different cleavages, including not only left‐right and secular‐religious dimensions, but also the conflicts between materialism and postmaterialism, green‐alternative‐libertarian and traditional‐authoritarian‐nationalist (GAL‐TAN) parties, and integration and demarcation. Second, it is argued in this article that the relevance of different cleavages for morality issues varies over time. Third, partisan effects can be found only if individual cabinets, rather than country‐years, are used as the unit of analysis in the research design. In particular, party families that tend to prioritise individual freedom over collective interests (i.e., left and liberal parties) are associated with significantly more liberal morality policies than party families that stress societal values and order (i.e., conservative/right and religious parties). While the latter are unlikely to overturn previous moves towards permissiveness, these results suggest that they might preserve the status quo at least. Curiously, no systematic effects of green parties are found, which may be because they have been represented in European governments at later periods when morality policy outputs were already quite permissive. 相似文献
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27.
Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot 《Citizenship Studies》2018,22(3):278-293
As states increasingly regulate ‘mixed’ family formation, self-positioning has become central to the lives of migrant spouses, including women. To understand this process, the present article investigates the mothering techniques of Filipino and Thai migrant women in Belgium, that is, the decisions, actions and ways of being they consciously enact in response to state policies ‘here’ and/or 'there' to secure the mother–child bond in space and time. Interviews and observations reveal these women’s main techniques: obtaining Belgian nationality for themselves, prioritising a single nationality (Belgian) for their children and staying at home (in the case of Filipino migrant women) or working (in the case of Thai women). This self-positioning sets these women’s own path and prepare their children’s route towards full, active membership in the nation. Mothering appears therefore as a fertile site of citizenship, which from afar echoes the public–private divide but in close-up reveals the porosity of such dichotomy. 相似文献
28.
Diane Zosky 《Victims & Offenders》2018,13(6):739-756
Restorative justice models have had success with some issues within the criminal justice system; however, advocates and researchers within the intimate partner violence practice community have been reluctant to embrace this model. Criminal justice responses for intimate partner violence continue to be founded on a blend of retributive and rehabilitative justice models. Despite this reluctance, use of the restorative justice intervention of victim impact panels, may have targeted utility for increasing perpetrators’ empathy for their victims. The author 2examined responses from perpetrators who were mandated to participate in a victim impact panel experience as part of the coordinated community system response to intimate partner violence. 相似文献
29.
Research increasingly explores more complex relations of low self-control and context factors, such as structural constraints that limit behavioral lifestyle options, with violent victimization. The authors extend extant research by examining indirect effects of low self-control and family deviance on violent victimization via deviant lifestyles. The hypothesized full indirect effects model is tested for 233 African American and Hispanic 11th-grade students using latent variable analysis. Results offer strong support for the full indirect effects hypothesis. Results generally support the utility of an integrative framework that includes structural constraints arising from the family setting. 相似文献
30.
Tamara Jacka 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(7):1341-1359
ABSTRACTThis paper advances a new framework for analysing agrarian change in rural China and elsewhere in developing Asia, which centres on translocal family reproduction. The framework highlights the crucial connections between rural families’ translocal strategies for meeting reproductive (especially care) needs, their changing aspirations for reproduction, and other aspects of agrarian change, including de-peasantisation, de-agrarianisation and social differentiation. In developing this framework, the paper refers to a village case study in central China and draws on a critique of the ‘livelihoods perspective’ on agrarian change, approaches focusing on ‘global householding’, and the cultural reproduction of class and gender. 相似文献