创新党史学习教育的有效途径

加强党员干部的党史学习教育,是提高党的建设科学化水平的重要途径。目前,各级培训机构在党史教育中还存在着不少问题,如对党史教育重视程度不够、存在＂庸俗化＂倾向、专业人才缺乏、教育方式针对性不强等。因此,相关部门必须高度重视并合理安排党员干部进行党史学习教育,加强党史教育工作队伍建设。各级培训部门在党史教育过程中要突出重点把握规律,增强其有效性和针对性。     

Are Power Asymmetries a Reason for the State to Intervene?

Power asymmetries between farmers and slaughterhouses have led the Swiss government to install an independent agency that evaluates the quality of pig and cattle carcasses. This case is used to explore public interventions to mitigate power asymmetries. The independent classification is described and its economic rationale explored. The positions of the most important stakeholders in the system are depicted and the counter-arguments analyzed by objective hermeneutics. It is concluded that public interventions against power asymmetries are no panacea but can be useful to create a just and effective system.     

走向跨界的妇女学和妇女史研究——杜芳琴先生学术贡献述略

自20世纪80年代中期至今,杜芳琴先生在中国古代妇女/性别史、妇女学理论的本土探索与学科建设等领域进行了广泛深入的研究,取得了丰硕成果。考察杜芳琴先生的学术贡献,不仅可以窥见中国女性学者从事学术研究的艰辛、执着与收获,也可窥探中国大陆妇女/性别史研究发展的历程,对于总结妇女/性别史研究中的利弊得失、展望妇女/性别史研究的未来也不无裨益。     

龙勃罗梭在中国——一个犯罪学史的考察

龙勃罗梭及其学说在中国之命运变迁,是中国犯罪学发展历程的一个缩影.中国犯罪学以译介龙勃罗梭著作和理论为开端,其夭折也以批判和否定龙勃罗梭及其学说为先导,而其再生与发展同样是以对龙勃罗梭的肯定和客观评价为重要标志.因为龙勃罗梭,犯罪学始成为科学.遗憾的是尽管龙勃罗梭的学说传入中国已逾百年,但是当代中国犯罪学总体仍然处于形...     

书写与歧视——"夜郎自大"现象与少数民族历史的异化

近年来,"夜郎自大"所体现的对于夜郎君主的误解开始引起学者们的广泛关注。然而,误解并非是偶然的,司马迁的历史记载以及成语贬义的形成,凝聚着深厚的传统的文化偏见,反映了在古代民族中心主义语境下,少数民族历史书写所遭受的一种普遍命运。     

私人侦探的概念与历史

在研究“私人侦探”问题时 ,应注意区分文学作品中的私人侦探与现实中的私人侦探 ;国外私人侦探与中国当前的私人侦探 ;私人保安与私人侦探。私人侦探的定义应分为广义与狭义两种 :广义定义指世界范围内的私人侦探 ;狭义定义指我国现阶段的私人侦探。可以说 ,现代的私人侦探渊源于欧洲的自我警务传统。至今为止美国的私人保安业—广义上的私人侦探业是世界上发展较完备的、力量和规模较大的 ,影响力也较大。私人侦探在中国古代有着辉煌的历史。     

汉语外来词摭谈

汉语吸收外来词有着悠久的历史.随着汉语的不断发展,被吸收进来的外来词越来越多.吸收外来词,主要有音译和音加意译两种方法;一些多意词则根据其语境而定.但不论采取哪种方法,都应遵守汉语语言规范,符合我们民族的语言习惯.     

All the labor problems fit to print: the New York Times and the cultural production of the U.S ‘labor problem’, 1870–1932

The period that spanned the Gilded Age to the onset of the Great Depression saw the rise and relative decline of the US labor movement. The salient events of labor movements over these years undoubtedly shaped public perception about labor issues, and some scholars have been attempting to unpack the mechanisms through which depictions and characterizations of the ‘labor problem’ were produced in authoritative venues that could have shaped the future of the movement. This study goes beyond the standard practice of explaining news report volume to feature the political valance of the reports on the labor problem over a 63-year time period. The aforementioned period also saw significant changes in news reporting practices, with the rise of objective informational writing and the embrace of journalism as a profession. The change within journalism itself could potentially shape the depiction of the labor problem, yet such change has been overlooked by existing literature pertaining to the topic. This research makes a theoretical case for integrating social processes central to the labor movement and journalism from 1870 to 1932 and explains patterns in the cultural production of the labor problem in the New York Times by analyzing these two tracks of history in conjunction using both qualitative and quantitative data.     

Food riots and the politics of provisions from early modern Europe and China to the food crisis of 2008

The food riots of 2007–2008 jolted authoritarian regimes and international agencies into action. The riots also began to crack neoliberal hegemony over the global food system. Food riots have often driven a politics of provisions, sometimes winning relief, sometimes merely bloody repression, depending on a particular country’s political economy. Such bargaining in the politics of provisions is made possible by existing networks – of solidarity among the common people and reciprocity between them and their rulers – that extend elements of ‘normal’ politics into crises. This paper explores how riotous extensions of such sociopolitical networks shaped food politics in early modern England and China, Famine Ireland, the ‘IMF (International Monetary Fund) austerity riots’ of the 1980s and 1990s, and the food riots of 2007–2008.     

The goals and reality of the water–food–energy security nexus: the case of China and its southern neighbours

The so-called ‘nexus’ approach has recently been promoted as addressing externalities across the water, food and energy sectors, thus helping to achieve ‘water/energy/food security for all’, ‘equitable and sustainable growth’ and a ‘resilient and productive environment’. While these are noble goals, this article argues that the reality on the ground appears to be taking a different direction, at least when it comes to China and its neighbours in South and Southeast Asia. There, a new era of large-scale water infrastructure development is creating several security-related problems, which represent serious challenges to the nexus goals. These challenges include food–energy tensions, human security threats and ecological risks. These challenges can also be linked to rising friction surrounding the management of water, food and energy resources in the region. The article argues that, in order for the nexus goals to be achieved in China and the countries on its southern periphery, there must first be increased awareness of this nexus among policy-making elites.