Trends and Developments in Program Evaluation in General and Criminal Justice Programs in Particular

The paper first describes general trends in evaluation in (mainly) western societies. Why is evaluation growing, what are the characteristics of this ‘growth industry’ and what developments are occurring outside western societies? Trends in the evaluation of criminal justice programs in the USA, the UK and the Netherlands are then discussed. Two important developments are therafter highlighted: experimental evaluations and theory-driven evaluations. Both approaches are discussed, and some pros and cons are listed. Finally, the paper outlines some challenges for future work in the evaluation of criminal justice programs, stressing the importance of combining good designs with both program and social science theories.     

对公安高专教育改革的思考

在目前的高专教育中,普遍存在人才培养目标定位的不准确性、教学计划与课程设置脱离培养目标、教学观念和教学方法与现代教育不相适应等问题。必须对培养目标准确定位,大幅度修改教学计划,调整课程设置和教学内容,建立与调整专业指导委员会,全面进行教学改革,方能适应现代化公安工作对人才的需求。     

携手并肩，走向美好未来——写在辽宁公安司法管理干部学院成立55周年

今年是辽宁公安司法管理干部学院建校55周年、建院1 5周年.由于历史和现实的原因,目前学院进入了一个新的历史低潮期.这种低潮主要表现为办学条件不足与教育市场竞争激烈、教工日益增长的物质文化需求与学院难以为济之间的两个巨大反差,使学院面临着新一轮的生存考验.本文认真总结了建院以来特别是近10多年来建设与发展的经验,提出了学院走出困境、走向更加美好未来的发展方向和措施.     

全球海洋治理与构建海洋命运共同体

当前世界海洋战略形势正发生深刻变革,海洋地缘战略竞争不断加剧,海洋"公地悲剧"日益严峻,在此形势下,中国提出构建海洋命运共同体的倡议。构建海洋命运共同体的内涵十分丰富,主要包括构建海洋安全共同体、海洋发展共同体和海洋责任共同体三方面要旨。构建海洋命运共同体,既是世界海洋文明发展的时代要求,也为解决当前全球海洋治理难题提供了中国方案。然而,构建海洋命运共同体在现实中面临国际认知赤字、海洋二元秩序障碍、海洋地缘战略争夺阻力等严峻挑战。为此,中国应着力完善构建海洋命运共同体的知识话语体系,推动海洋命运共同体的多边主义制度化建设,打造多元参与的协同治理格局。     

我国环境冲突研究回顾及未来展望——基于CSSCI文献(1998-2020)的可视化分析

环境冲突是社会冲突的主要类型之一,环境冲突的有效治理是防范化解由环境问题引致的社会冲突的关键。本文借助Citespace软件,以1998-2020年间中文社会科学索引(CSSCI)数据库收录的135篇环境冲突相关文献为研究样本,综合采用文献计量和知识图谱分析两种方法对样本进行分析。研究发现,我国环境冲突文献发表数量各年份起伏较大,产生了高产学者和发文量较多的科研机构,关键词聚类分析确定了环境冲突的4个主题,邻避冲突是环境冲突领域研究的重点。未来应加强环境冲突研究领域研究者共同体、研究机构共同体建设以及多学科的融合,加强对大数据、区块链技术融入环境冲突治理等前沿问题的研究。     

In search of real justice for Africa and Africans,and her/their descendants in a world of justice,injustices and impunity

Abstract

The quest for justice by Africans and peoples of African descent, wherever they may be in the world, is arguably one of the most daunting mental, psychological, moral, legal and material challenges facing humanity in general, and the peoples of Africa in particular. It is a question of whether African peoples demand justice for the wrongs committed against Africa and its peoples over the last 500 years, or whether Africa and African peoples accept complicity in the global impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of those injustices, and by doing so diminish the significance of contemporary enthusiasm for global justice. Centralising the question of impunity to date for horrendous crimes, gross human and peoples’ rights violations and other injustices against Africa and Africans is not meant to distract Africans in Africa and the diaspora from the quest, in the 21^st century, for a new Africa that we have a historical responsibility to build and, by doing so, to ensure that the past is not repeated. Acknowledging the wrongs of the past and making symbolic reparative actions for those wrongs are essential for ensuring that the pursuit for a better world of justice is not built on top of underlying sinkholes and on the waste dumps of past injustices. Critical breakthroughs, such as the commitment enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union (2000), on crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocide and the prohibition of unconstitutional change of government, must be vigorously pursued to their logical conclusion. To do so requires an understanding of where Africans, in their relationship with peoples in the rest of the world, are coming from. Smaller parts of the world have experienced similar heinous injustices with impunity, and Africa's pursuit of real justice also applies to those states and their peoples. Corrective or reparative justice is needed to clear the path for the meaningful and honest promotion of real global justice in the making of the future. It is imperative that the making of the African Renaissance confront real global justice for the sake of the past, the present and the future.     

Mapping the effects of Brexit on legal education in Wales: proposals for addressing students’ concerns

ABSTRACT

Whilst the future for UK–EU relations remains to be realised, Brexit will have consequences for legal education. However, to date, neither the UK nor Welsh Governments have sufficiently addressed what those consequences will be for higher education. This paper, which documents the results of 336 student questionnaires received from law students surveyed from every law school in Wales, evidences that learners have already started to decide what they believe Brexit means for them. Amongst the numerous challenges for Welsh law schools is the opinion of current students that Brexit makes Wales a less attractive place for overseas students and lecturers, both EU and other internationals, to study and work. Meanwhile UK students studying in Wales are questioning the relevance of EU law modules, and are viewing aspirational careers within EU institutions as now being “closed doors”. By drawing upon our findings, as well as comparisons with other EU Member States, this paper proposes six areas where urgent collaboration between governments and universities is needed. Failing to address the concerns identified by this research has the potential to further threaten the internationalised education model that UK students benefit from by studying law at Welsh universities.     

Polarity,preponderance and power parity in the generation of international conflict

Almost a decade ago one of the authors introduced the concepts of “opportunity” and “willingness” in this journal (Starr, 1978). We have since devoted considerable attention to clarifying these concepts and their relationship to international conflict. In a series of recent articles we have focused on the micro/decision making/willingness level. In the present discussion we expand more fully on the macro/system/opportunity level, demonstrating through the use of logic and simulation that such decision processes operate within structures which appear logically to set limits, ceilings or constraints on the amount of conflict which is possible. We do so by using the different positions regarding polarity and conflict, and the parity vs. preponderance debate as starting points; (and come to some non‐obvious conclusions on the roles of power and system structure).     

金正恩时代的朝鲜和图们江区域的中俄朝合作

朝鲜的稳定发展和朝鲜半岛的无核化,符合我国利益。西方力图颠覆朝鲜政权。朝鲜政权能够生存,关键在于高层领导内部的求同存异、精诚团结,并得益于有效地强化政治教育、对西方渗透的严防死守。金正恩成为领袖,将集全权于一身,独自领导朝鲜。朝鲜的经济体制正在发生变化,"中产阶级"的代表已经出现,原始的资本主义方式成为许多朝鲜人谋生的手段。金正恩需要改变朝鲜的贫穷状况,让人民富裕,出现了改革的舆论和迹象。近年,中俄两国均积极采取措施帮助朝鲜改善管理制度、培育造血功能。中朝共同开发、共同管理罗先区和黄金坪、威化岛,俄罗斯推出俄朝韩三方合作新模式。目前朝鲜投资风险大,预期回报率低。建议中俄应排除干扰,求同存异,积极探索互相配合、分担和分摊风险、减轻负担,有利各方的合作途径。充分发挥中国政府的图们江开发战略和中俄两国元首签署的区域合作规划战略的作用,进一步深入开展合作。     

Disrupting Conventional Law Firm Business Models using Document Assembly

Document assembly software is a technology that is fundamentalto disrupting law firms. This article uses the framework setout by Clayton Christensen in The Innovator’s Dilemmaand subsequent books to examine the range of business modelsthat use document assembly software, from those that are sustainingin relation to law firms to those that are disruptive in relationto law firms. It looks at three barriers that slow down thepace of disruption: a shortage of the right people, rules againstunauthorised practice, and inadequate capitalisation of lawfirms. These barriers will be overcome on a piecemeal basisas disruptive forces advance and undercut the billable hour.