全文获取类型
收费全文 | 129篇 |
免费 | 1篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 22篇 |
工人农民 | 6篇 |
世界政治 | 14篇 |
外交国际关系 | 35篇 |
法律 | 7篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 10篇 |
政治理论 | 23篇 |
综合类 | 11篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 10篇 |
2016年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 32篇 |
2012年 | 12篇 |
2011年 | 1篇 |
2010年 | 3篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 5篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 7篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有130条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
81.
Leigh Binford 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(3):531-557
This essay addresses economic relationships in northern Morazán, El Salvador, as they transitioned from a wartime subsistence regime to postwar integration into national and international capitalist circuits of production and exchange. It critically analyses the economic discourses and actions employed by the state, NGOs, and others to discipline the vagrant subjectivities of former FMLN insurgents, their social base, and ex-refugees. Much of the argument is developed via discussions of the postwar fates of residents of Ciudad Segundo Montes and peasant collaborators of the Community Development Council of Northern Morazán and San Miguel. Critical analysis of these cases suggest that economic relationships constitute not merely a product – however contradictory – of struggle over hegemony, but are important channels through which hegemony itself is secured. 相似文献
82.
刘方冰 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2010,(4):18-22
监狱警察权力是监狱警察为实现国家意志,组织管理囚犯在实现刑罚执行目标的过程中对囚犯理念、行为的影响力和控制力。监狱警察权力场域是其主体争夺支配性资源和价值评价话语权的空间场所。当下监狱警察改造话语霸权在表征现代行刑理性精神的同时,也遮蔽了监狱警察权力不断扩张的问题、意识形态权的单向度问题和权力私人化的问题。监狱警察权力去蔽的空间和权力制约的空间,应当是当下监狱警察权力自主建构的主要场域。 相似文献
83.
美国次贷危机的成因及其对国际金融秩序的影响 总被引:11,自引:1,他引:11
美国次贷危机起源于房地产泡沫的破裂,金融创新形成的多重利益链条使次贷危机深化,金融全球化则是次贷危机国际传导的背景条件.次贷危机引发的全球金融动荡动摇了美国的金融霸权,国际金融力量对比正在发生深刻的变化,全球金融版图面临重绘的可能.对于中国而言,次贷危机为中国进一步融入国际金融体系提供了机遇,也带来了挑战. 相似文献
84.
Peter Marcus Kristensen 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(2):161-187
AbstractThe international relations (IR) discipline is known as an ‘American Social Science’ dominated by scholars and theories from the US core. This paper compares IR in two noncore settings, China and Europe. It shows that there is a growing institutional and intellectual integration into global Anglophone, mostly American, IR in both Europe and China. Both Chinese and European IR communities have established top Anglophone journals like the European Journal of International Relations and the Chinese Journal of International Politics to spearhead their integration into mainstream Anglophone IR and carve out a space for regional thinking. Yet, the analysis of their publication and citation patterns shows that IR outside the American core communicates through a hub-and-spokes system where there is always a connection to the American core but rarely very strong linkages to other peripheral regions. The two journals studied thus function as outlets for ‘local’ and American scholars, rely on ‘local’ and American sources, and there is very little integration and exchange between Chinese and European IR. Chinese and European IR would benefit from such a dialogue, especially regarding ‘schools’ of IR at the margins of an ‘American social science’. 相似文献
85.
Anastasiya Astapova 《Nationalities Papers》2016,44(5):713-730
Tackling the role of state symbols in negotiating national identity and political development, this research focuses on Belarus where the alternative white–red–white flag became instrumental in protests against the dominant political discourse. Since 1995, oppositional mass media have been reporting about cases of this tricolor being erected in hard-to-reach and/or politically sensitive places. These actions were mainly attributed to some “Miron,” whose identity remained concealed and served as a simulacrum of a national superhero in non-conformist discourse. The image of Miron immediately acquired multiple functions: condemning the Soviet colonial past, struggling for the European future, and creating a nation-state rather than the Russian-speaking civil-state of Belarus. Yet, first and foremost, Miron became a means for contesting the authority of the president who has been in power since 1994. Concentrating on the methods employed for the construction of the counter-hegemonic fakelore project of Miron and its aims, this article explores the vernacular response to its creation. 相似文献
86.
Gina Buijs 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(2):107-112
President Thabo Mbeki's resignation in September 2008 six months before the expected end of his term was triggered by the recall issued by the ANC National Executive Committee. It is highly unlikely that any major changes in foreign policy will be made by the caretaker government of President Kgalema Motlanthe before the 2009 elections. However, the significant changes in the domestic political environment signal the start of a new era in South Africa's transformation — what might be called the ‘post post-apartheid period’. This paper explores what those changes might entail, especially in the realm of foreign policy. After reflecting on the legacy of Mbeki's foreign policy, the paper considers the potential implications of the relevant resolutions agreed at the December 2007 ANC National Conference in Polokwane. Constraints on South African foreign policy towards the African continent are considered, especially with regard to perception versus reality of its economic and political hegemony as well as its complex identity as a nation. In light of this analysis and the inevitable impact of the current global economic crisis, the paper concludes with a series of recommendations for a new vision and agenda for South Africa's foreign policy under the government to be elected in 2009. 相似文献
87.
Brendan Luyt 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(2):139-165
This article addresses the political role of information technology in the Philippines. It uses a theoretical framework inspired by Antonio Gramsci to examine the discourse surrounding automated elections in two major daily papers, the Philippine Daily Inquirer and Business World Philippines. It argues that this discourse strengthens current conceptions of the development process by appealing to the interests not only of the dominant fraction of capital in the country today, but also to the middle class. Such operations are essential for the creation of an historic bloc capable of exercising hegemony. 相似文献
88.
和平 《中国青年政治学院学报》2007,26(6):57-62
美国发动的伊拉克战争加剧了世界动荡,因而对美国的指责也超越了国家、阶级、宗教和年龄界限,已经成为一种全球现象。美国自以为在为世界工作,世界却认为美国蛮横霸道。从本质上说,美国的世界霸权是全球化的产物,但其指向却与全球化趋势相悖。 相似文献
89.
Anne Harley 《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2019,30(1):89-107
Currently the Academy operates primarily as a space that helps to create and cement neoliberal hegemony in the Gramscian sense. However, since hegemony is never complete, universities are a site of struggle and the opportunity exists to engage in a “war of position” within them. This must necessarily involve allowing space for counter-hegemonic discourses to emerge through critical reflection on “common sense” discourses, as well as the deliberate inclusion of counter-hegemonic thinking and theory from below. This article reflects on an attempt to do this in a South African university, the University of KwaZulu-Natal, in relation to the issue of food. The Food Festival was an attempt to subvert interlocking hegemonic discourses, including that of food security, by “reading the world” (à la Freire) in order to understand the actual nature of existing food systems as inherently oppressive, and “inserting” the concept of food sovereignty as developed by the global peasants’ movement La Via Campesina. After considering the counter-hegemonic intentions of the Festival, the article reflects on its uneven success. 相似文献
90.
John de Bhal 《Contemporary Politics》2018,24(4):436-453
This article examines the policies implemented by both the Obama and Trump Administrations toward Cuba to evaluate the claim that the ‘Thaw’ of relations between Washington and Havana represents a significant change in US foreign policy toward the island nation. Despite the appearance that the change in policy is a fundamental shift, I argue that the changes in US policy toward Cuba under both Obama and Trump represent changes in the means for pursuing the same historical objectives pursued by the Washington for the past few decades. In other words, the overall strategy and objective of US hegemony in Cuba is the same, with the only change being the means for achieving these ends. The central implication of this is that the ‘Thaw’ in relations between Cuba and the US represents a new, more ‘consensual’ means to instigating the same objective of provoking American-orchestrated political, economic, social and ideological changes in the island nation. 相似文献