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21.
袁雪 《行政与法》2007,(1):91-93
法律选择理论是国际私法的核心理论,主要是以各种法律选择学说为载体,具体表现为各种法律选择方法。从十四世纪意大利巴托鲁斯创立法则区别说以来,法律选择方法一直处于不断的演变之中,体现了国际社会追求和谐的要求。本文以法律选择方法的历史演变为线索,以法律选择方法的价值追求——正义为研究视角,探讨法律选择方法的演变与构建国际和谐社会之间的联系。  相似文献   
22.
Research Digest     
《Negotiation Journal》2006,22(1):5-11
  相似文献   
23.
传递性推理心理效应是指在进行传递性推理时各种因素对做出演绎结论的影响。传递性推理的心理效应主要包括端点锚定效应、系列位置效应、符号距离效应、一致性效应、转换效应、方向效应。深入研究传递性推理中的心理效应有助于进一步揭示传递性推理机制。在未来的传递性推理研究中要高度重视对心理效应的系统研究。  相似文献   
24.
在预防跨国腐败犯罪的具体制度建设层面各国有所不同。结合本国国情进行预防跨国腐败犯罪制度研究,必须重视两方面的制度建设:一是完善本国立法,二是借鉴别国经验。  相似文献   
25.
知识产权与人权:后TRIPS时代的知识产权国际保护   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
杨明  肖志远 《法律科学》2005,23(5):115-122
TRIPS的产生,在促进知识产权国际保护发展的同时,也被认为造成了知识产权制度与国际人权法之间的冲突。从立法宗旨上讲,不管对知识产权采用什么样的措辞,知识产权保护应与维护人类尊严和实现其他人权相一致。所以,我们必须开展有关研究工作,探寻如何在包括TRIPS在内的国际条约框架下,协调好知识产权与人权之间的关系;具体说来,知识产权国际保护制度必须以国际人权公约的价值取向为指导,在保护作者精神权、隐私权、公共健康与环境等方面进行制度改革。  相似文献   
26.
For the past 5 years in the United States, there has been an increased emphasis on evidence-based programs, and, in particular, the promotion of experimental designs as the highest standard of evidence. This interest has been fueled by the Federal government's demand for accountability that links budget allocation with program performance. The National Institute of Justice, the research, development and evaluation agency within the Office of Programs in the U.S. Department of Justice is undertaking a number of efforts to improve the quality of evaluation research and address the need for evidence-based programs. These efforts have focused on making improvements upfront in the grant selection process so that well-designed evaluations will be undertaken and in the management and monitoring of ongoing evaluation research grants so that implementation and design issues can be identified and addressed. Evaluability assessments is a key strategy that NIJ is relying on increasingly to identify programs that have a high likelihood of being successfully evaluated. Whether these efforts will lead to an overall increase in the rigor of NIJ-supported evaluations remains unanswered at this time. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of The National Academies or the National Institute of Justice.  相似文献   
27.
专修学院学生的思想状况比较复杂,认识问题的程度差异较大。本文通过问卷调查,找出学生思想变化的因素,并对其进行分析研究,以不断提高学生思想教育工作的成效。  相似文献   
28.
This paper looks at the genesis of a discourse on urbanismo (city planning) in Brazil and Argentina between 1894 and 1945 using the ideas of Michel Foucault on discipline and his concept of bio–power. The demographic pattern of the major cities in both countries from 1890 onwards and the renewals of the centres of these cities are also discussed. Other sections are dedicated to the plans proposed for the same cities in the 1920s and to urban representations, such as ideas about social reform, the role of hygiene as a point of departure for planning, and the relationship of ideas on Taylorism (scientific management) and the city. The paper also discusses the planners opposition to elections, when they claimed that they were the only ones qualified to deal with urban problems and therefore they should be employed in the state apparatus.
Other concerns of the paper are the use of planning as an element of nation building and ideas defining eugenics (race 'betterment') as an important aspect of city planning. I conclude by arguing that, if implemented, city planning was a way of creating an industrial culture, disciplining society through the city, although the industrial proletariat has never made up the majority of the population in Brazil or Argentina. Even if many aspects of the plans proposed for both countries were not implemented, the discourse of planners can be seen as a will to discipline society through the city. This discipline would affect the freedom of movement of human bodies, and is therefore approached through Foucault's concepts of bio–power and discipline  相似文献   
29.
党的十六届四中全会首次明确提出逐步推进党务公开,这是党的执政理念的新突破和提高党的执政能力的新举措。理论界围绕党务公开的内涵、党务公开的依据、党务公开的过程、党务公开存在的问题以及推进党务公开的路径等进行了研究,提出了各种看法。进一步加深对党务公开的理论研究,为贯彻落实科学发展观,全面推进社会主义民主政治建设提供理论指导,是理论工作者的重要任务。  相似文献   
30.
The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.  相似文献   
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