South Africa and Japan: maintaining a difficult friendship

Japan's economic and political relationship with South Africa has been characterised historically by ambiguity. Throughout the twentieth century, economic ties were underpinned by mercantilist and strategic considerations. During apartheid, this placed Japan in an uneasy position as it sought to balance a relationship of expediency with wider foreign policy objectives in the rest of Africa and beyond. The demise of apartheid created the space for new forms of engagement centred on the pursuit of cognate goals. This has seen the intensification and deepening of economic ties in particular. Yet relations, especially at the political and diplomatic levels, have also been more complex than anticipated, and in recent years, the rise in Africa of other players from Asia and the Global South has had a bearing on South Africa–Japan ties. In this paper, it is argued that two related dynamics pivoting on policy elites’ changing conceptions (or self-view) of the nature of the state they are running and its place in the wider world order help explain the post-apartheid evolution of the South Africa–Japan relationship. First, there has been an apparent shift in South African foreign policy elites’ self-view, mediated by a changing systemic context. The development and manifestation over time of a stronger Global South self-conception in South African foreign policy, fashioned in juxtaposition to what have been considered in the past key Global North relationships, had direct consequences for South Africa–Japan ties. Second, meso- and micro-level dynamics – the role of the general operations in the diplomatic (i.e. bureaucratic) arena, and the personalities and shifting political preferences of individual executive leaders – had major impacts on how South Africa engaged with Japan in the past two decades.     

Security development and the Palestinian Authority: an examination of the ‘Canadian factor’

The Palestinian Authority has become a major recipient of development assistance with a primary area of focus on the development of security capacities. As a case study in the securitisation of aid, this article demonstrates how Canadian development aid has been almost exclusively aimed towards areas of security enhancements. Detailing what Canadian security development actors call ‘the Canadian factor’, the article argues that the securitisation of aid is a mobilisation of security expertise to advance the strategic interests of major donors. In detailing the donors as beneficiaries of aid, the article describes how the ‘success story’ of development aid in Palestine is a reflection of how security aid functions to advance the interests of donors as opposed to populations under the recipient authorities.     

51个常染色体STR基因座在ITO法判断全同胞中的应用

目的探讨ITO法和判别函数法在全同胞鉴定中的应用价值。方法根据342对全同胞和3 900对无关个体的19、21、39、51个常染色STR基因座的分型结果,采用ITO法计算全同胞关系指数(FSI)。用SPSS软件Fisher判别分析法,分别建立lg FSI全同胞-无关个体的判别函数。结果每组全同胞对和无关个体对的lg FSI符合正态分布,具有显著性差异。在19、21、39、51个STR基因座,全同胞组判别函数分别为L同胞=1.666 6×lg FSI-5.208 0,L同胞=1.643 9×lg FSI-5.512 0,L同胞=1.569 4×lg FSI-8.076 4,L同胞=1.480 7×lg FSI-9.860 9;无关个体组分别为L无关=-1.346 1×lg FSI-3.638 5,L无关=-1.330 9×lg FSI-3.851 7,L无关=-1.319 2×lg FSI-5.910 2,L无关=-1.273 8×lg FSI-7.477 6。平均错判率分别为:1.361 9%、1.228 5%、0.438 6%和0.146 2%。结论 ITO判别函数法在全同胞-无关个体鉴定中具有很高的应用价值,且检测基因座越多,系统效能越高,并能降低错判风险。     

The patriarchy index: a comparative study of power relations across historical Europe

This article stands at the confluence of three streams of historical social science analysis: the sociological study of power relations within the family, the regional demography of historical Europe, and the study of spatial patterning of historical family forms in Europe. It is a first exercise in the design and application of a new ‘master variable’ for cross-cultural studies of family organization and relations. This indexed composite measure, which the authors call the Index of Patriarchy, incorporates a range of variables related to familial behaviour, including nuptiality and age at marriage, living arrangements, post-marital residence, power relations within domestic groups, the position of the aged, and the sex of the offspring. The index combines all these items, with each being given equal weight in the calculation of the final score, which represents the varying degrees of sex- and age-related social inequality (‘patriarchal bias’) in different societal and familial settings. In order to explore the comparative advantages of the index, the authors use information from census and census-like microdata for 91 regions of historical Europe covering more than 700,000 individuals living in 143,000 domestic groups, from the Atlantic to the Urals. The index allows the authors to identify regions with different degrees of patriarchy within a single country, across the regions of a single country, or across and within many broader zones of historical Europe. The unprecedented patterning of the many elements of power relations and agency contained in the index generates new ways of accounting for both the geographies and the histories of family organization across the European landmass.     

长江三角洲地区横向府际关系——从法律视角提出的要求

府际关系即政府之间的关系,包括中央政府与’地方政府之间、地方政府与地方政府之间的关系。我国的府际关系多靠政策调整,且随意性大。应当将府际关系纳入法律调整的范围,使其满足经济、社会发展的需求。本文选取长江三角洲地区作为研究对象,探讨了该地区当前府际关系的现状和存在的主要问题,试从法律的角度对横向府际间关系提出新的要求。     

论当代国际关系对国际私法的影响与作用

在当代国际社会,国际关系使国际私法的地位得以提升,使各国国际私法的平位理念逐步确立,对国际私法关系主体、调整范围、渊源和性质都具有重要影响与作用。正确认识上述问题对我国把握当代国际关系的发展和制定与适用国际私法都具有重要意义。     

延安时期中国共产党发展对内对外关系的经验与启示

延安时期,中国共产党在毛泽东的领导下,在处理各种复杂的关系中表现出高超的政治智慧和斗争艺术,使党与人民之间保持了鱼水交融的关系,党与国民党、党与世界反法西斯阵营各个国家之间的关系基本上呈现出良性互动态势;延安经验表明,人民的拥护与支持,是我党发展与国民党和其他国家关系的基础,而妥善处理与国民党和其他国家之间的关系,又能促进根据地的民主建设。我党在上述方面积累的成功经验,对今天解决内政外交问题具有借鉴和参考价值。     

协商民主的内在关联性及其定位——基于中西方协商民主发展的环境视角分析

协商民主是实现人民民主,发展社会主义民主政治的一种新型的民主范式。比较分析西方协商民主发展的背景和中国协商民主推进的动因,可以发现在中国民主化进程中,协商与民主"分"的可能性和"合"的现实性以及两者间不必然的关系,在此基础上明确协商民主在中国民主化进程中的定位。     

美国全球供应链调整的国家安全逻辑及实现路径

自奥巴马政府以来,特别是新冠肺炎疫情暴发后,国家安全在美国全球供应链调整中的影响日益彰显。在国家安全的视域下,美国政府调整全球供应链的逻辑依据为“国防论”与“选择性贸易保护主义”。美国的国家安全侧重国家利益与价值,全球供应链调整则诉求产品(或服务)的可替换性,二者交互作用,贸易保护主义性质的“国防论”与“选择性贸易保护主义”就成为分析美国全球供应链调整的理论分析框架。“国防论”侧重诠释具有国防意义产品(或服务)的进出口,而“选择性贸易保护主义”则分析了普通贸易实践对美国整体福利乃至国家安全的损害。美国在国家安全视域下调整全球供应链的路径依赖于软硬两种手段。一是无弹性的硬手段,表现为官僚体制、决策机制、相关法律制度与管理规范,美国全球供应链上的企业必须遵守,其具有吓阻功能。二是具有弹性的软手段,体现为国家战略以及政策说明等,其不具有强制性。基于此,这一研究有助于进一步厘清时下美国政府变动不居的对华经贸政策,构建合作与开放的中美经贸关系。     

美国对华拒止性威慑战略论析

拒止性威慑的思想源远流长,作为一种军事战略的拒止性威慑具有广泛性、实时性和受挑战性三个主要特点。拒止性威慑的思路相比惩罚性威慑更具操作性,在信息化战争时代也更具优势。美国战略学界认为,在西太平洋地区中美实力日渐接近的情况下,对华拒止性威慑战略是较优选项。美国对华拒止性威慑战略兴于特朗普政府时期,其主要特点是加强军事系统弹性能力建设与发展新战区导弹防御体系。拜登政府则在“一体化威慑”框架下应用对华拒止性威慑,发展深度防御能力。美国对拒止性威慑战略的理解与应用已经突破了传统意义上偏重防御的拒止性威慑模式。该战略的目标是联合盟友阻止中国在西太平洋地区的快速军事行动,维持和巩固在该地区的军事主导权。虽然美国对华拒止性威慑战略的实践受到了诸多内外因素制约,但其给中美带来的负面影响仍在不断加深,并对地区安全构成巨大挑战。中国需要主动培塑有利于军力发展的良好环境,发展新技术装备,应对美国对华拒止性威慑战略实践造成的军事胁迫,降低各类战略风险。