‘Democratic Socialism’ and the Concept of (Post)Capitalism

This article explores the ‘democratic socialism’ being proposed by new left movements on either side of the Atlantic, and evaluates its claim to be a form of anti- or postcapitalism. It argues that in the democratic socialist worldview, the line between capitalism and socialism rests on the balance of power between workers and capitalists in the economic sphere. While traditional social democracy seeks to redistribute wealth but leaves relations between workers and capitalists within firms untouched, democratic socialism seeks to abolish private property in the economic sphere. Production is controlled democratically by the workers themselves, in league with a workers’ state. The article critically appraises the claim that such a scenario constitutes a form of postcapitalism. Drawing on the work of critical Marxists such as Moishe Postone, it argues that capitalism is not primarily defined by private property relations in the economic sphere, but rather the peculiar social form of capitalist labour. Unlike in pre-capitalist societies, for labour in capitalism to secure a continued basis on which to reproduce the means of subsistence, it must be socially validated as ‘value-producing’. The criteria for value validation is not set in the workplace, or within a single nation state, but rather on the world market. The article concludes that, for all its merits, the democratisation of workplaces does not overcome the need for this social validation, but rather constitutes an alternative form of managing the process of production in this context. As such, democratic socialism, like social democracy, remains susceptible to the same imperatives and crises as other forms of capitalist production, and so cannot be said to constitute a form of ‘postcapitalism’.     

Gender Inequality,Social Reproduction and the Universal Basic Income

Despite extensive attention being paid to the effects of the Universal Basic Income (UBI) on society at large, there has been little analysis on the relationship between gender inequality and UBI. The purpose of this article is first to reflect on the feminist arguments in favour of UBI and then to examine some of these points by also considering other available policies. By looking into the role of women’s work in both productive and reproductive activities, it is argued that UBI should not be disregarded as a social policy. However, its transformative capacity to empower women and to strengthen their role in society should not be overestimated. In order to address this gap, policy makers should address misconceptions around gender norms and acknowledge the multiple forms of women’s work across the social relations of production and reproduction.     

Regime type versus patronal politics: a comparison of “ardent democrats” in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan

Kazakhstan is home to the longest serving ruler in post-Soviet Eurasia while Kyrgyzstan is among the region’s most competitive polities. Do these regime differences correspond to divergence in political attitudes, as an extensive body of literature posits? Are Kyrgyzstanis more likely to strongly support democratic ideals? Are Kazakhstanis less likely? Contrary to expectations, data reveal the two populations to be attitudinally indistinguishable when it comes to strong support for practices associated with democracy. Whatever country differences we find are minor or statistically insignificant. We explain this convergence by shifting focus away from the political features that distinguish the two nascent democracy versus consolidated authoritarianism to those that they hold in common. Notwithstanding major constitutional reform in Kyrgyzstan in 2010, politics there, as in Kazakhstan, remains fundamentally patronal, or patronage- based. Mass attitudes, we argue, align in many ways with the countries’ shared patronal politics, rather than with their contrasting regime types.     

中国检察制度与“权力制衡原则”的内在关联的排除之辩

对于中国检察制度与＂权力制衡原则＂的内在关联,＂撤检派＂基于检察制度与＂权力分立＂和＂权力制衡原则＂不兼容的理由而主张撤销中国检察机关的建制,而＂挺检派＂虽拒斥＂三权分立＂的理念,但同时又笃信＂以权力制约权力＂的＂权力制衡原则＂,并以此作为主张维护和完善中国检察机关的＂理论根据＂或＂原理＂。如果从另一个角度,即通过对＂三权分立＂和＂权力制衡原则＂的前世今生以及是是非非的深入考察,以及对中国政权建构的原理和制度特色的精细解读,从中国政权建构的理念和政制上排除了中国检察制度与＂权力制衡原则＂的内在关联,则认为应当另辟蹊径,为中国的检察制度建构更科学的＂理论基础＂或＂原理＂。     

少数民族地区农村富余劳动力就业现状分析与思考

劳务输出,已逐步成为少数民族地区农村农民家庭经济收入的重要组成部分,成为一条促进农民增收的快捷途径。少数民族地区农村在富余劳动力就业上存在着“三多三少”的情况,通过加强政府对劳动力输出的引导和组织;加强对劳动力输出的宣传,创造优良环境,加大扶持力度;健全信息网络,健全劳动力就业服务体系;强化农村劳动力技能学习培训等措施,以推动少数民族地区农村富余劳动力转移工作的开展。     

两种分配方式相结合的经济运行

市场化的按劳分配具有四个鲜明特点:劳动计量市场化、分配主体企业化、工资形成市场化、政府对工资的调控宏观化。按生产要素分配必须首先把不同生产要素的不同使用价值抛开,使它们在质上等同,而利率机制在企业调节并实现剩余价值分配中发挥着重要作用。两种分配方式相结合需要有相应的配套工程。     

论我国劳动争议处理机制之完善

我国现行劳动争议处理机制是强制性的多轨制,这一机制尚存在诸多弊端:费时耗力,有悖于程序正义和效益的原则;缺乏对仲裁裁决的监督,仲裁程序的职能弱化;仲裁和审判之间缺乏协调,重复审理,浪费审判资源。因此,应借鉴市场经济发达国家的成功经验,完善我国劳动争议处理机制,加强工会的作用,突出调解职能,使劳动争议仲裁与民事仲裁衔接,并建立劳动公益诉讼制度。     

农民工实现身份转变对策研究——以桂林地区为例

农村劳动办转移已经进入一个新的历史阶段,实现农民工的身份转变,已成为加速实现城镇化、工业化、农业产业化以及全面推进我国社会主义新农村和全面小康社会建设的重要课题和当务之急。     

现代公司治理内部监督模式的立法选择

现代公司治理内部监督模式最具代表性的有两种:一是美国单层制董事会的独立董事监督模式,一是德国双层制董事会的监事会监督模式。我国在建构股份公司治理内部监督模式方面,应借鉴法国的立法思路采任选制,即允许章程自由选择美国独立董事监督模式或德国监事会监督模式,并在各自模式基础之上进行科学的制度建构。唯有如此,方能建立起与世界接轨的现代公司监督机制,真正有效实现我国公司治理之目标。     

论劳动的分离及其现实意义

随着生产力的发展,劳动形态发生了三次较大的历史性分离。分离的结果,是劳动形态的多元化。多元化的劳动归源于人类的活劳动,活劳动是价值创造的终极来源。这对于坚持和发展劳动价值论具有十分重要的现实意义。