关于证人出庭作证的几点看法

证人特别是重要证人能否出庭咋证,既是人民法院能否准确认定事实、能否定案的关键,又是刑事诉讼的审判方式改革能否得到有效实施的前提。证人不出庭作证的原因主要是制度不健全和法治意识淡漠。因此,应从完善证人出庭作证的制度入手,同时创造有利的化氛围,并以法律手段确保证人的安全,从而使证人出庭作证变“被动”为“主动”。     

The problem with English(es) and linguistic (in)justice. Addressing the limits of liberal egalitarian accounts of language

Van Parijs’s Linguistic Justice for Europe and the World furthers a nascent examination of multilingualism within political philosophy, drawing on continental European contexts where multilingualism is the norm. Van Parijs argues, in effect for linguistic cosmopolitanism via English as the current world language, and this seems ostensibly to be a considerable improvement on ‘the untrammeled public monolingualism’ of Anglo-American political theory. However, Van Parijs’s account is flawed in four key respects. First, there is the fundamental problem of his reductionist account of language – by which language is viewed only in terms of its communicative uses and reach and not in relation to its symbolic and identity functions. Second is his simplistic advocacy of English as a global lingua franca, which ignores issues of power and inequality, along with related delimited access to high-status English language varieties. Third are the inherent limitations associated with his advocacy of linguistic territoriality, which recognizes state-sanctioned languages but little else, thus failing to mitigate existing linguistic hierarchies. Finally, the wider argument for English as a global lingua franca is inevitably underpinned by a monolithic/hegemonic view of English itself. This monolithic conception of English stands in contradistinction, not only to the actual plethora of Englishes in the world today, but also, more importantly, to their widely varying status and use in furthering cross-communication and related notions of social and economic mobility. The latter thus fatally undermines Van Parijs’s central argument linking social and economic mobility ineluctably to access to English.     

Extending environmental justice research to religious minorities

For more than 30 years, significant research in the United States has found that racial and ethnic minorities suffer disproportionately from nearness to environmental disamenities compared with white non-Hispanics and that these results persist even controlling for poverty and “which came first,” the minorities or the disamenities. The engrained discriminatory findings of this environmental justice (EJ) research have led some to argue that we observe “systemic racism,” built into our social systems in ways that may be difficult to perceive. Yet, within the history of the United States, racial and ethnic minorities are not the only groups that have been systematically discriminated against; various religious groups also have histories of discrimination. Here we consider whether, holding constant race and ethnicity, some religious groups may also suffer from “EJ syndrome.” Since the US Census does not collect data on religion, to measure the presence of some religious groups that may be discriminated against, we use an original dataset on the presence of Jewish, Muslim, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS, aka Mormon), and Roman Catholic houses of worship within California's Census tracts. Our results indicate that even controlling for race/ethnicity and income, the presence of Jewish or Muslim houses of worship in a California Census tract increases the likelihood of environmental burden as measured by the CalEnviroScreen 3.0 index of pollution and community vulnerability.     

社会中间层与第三部门的经济法学辨析

社会中间层和第三部门都是社会学领域的概念。在这两个概念中提出的同一社会背景下 ,经济法范畴内的调整对象也发生了一定的变化。目前 ,经济法学者也注意到一类新兴的主体可能给原有的经济法律关系带来变革 ,但是由于在借用社会学研究成果时认识的不同 ,存在概念使用上的混乱和模糊。本文提出“协会”自治团体的概念 ,试图从经济法主体的角度明确这类主体的内涵与外延。     

现代城市夜景规划设计初探

我国设计师从80年代初开始对城市夜景进行研究,但研究的侧重点局限子景观照明领域。本文根据近几年来城市夜景景观建设过程中产生的问题,从对城市夜景观与夜景规划设计的认识出发,力图把城市设计理论与实际相结合。在城市夜景景观规划设计领域提出初步的理论构想。     

Electoral Reform and Parliamentary Debates

The early twentieth century saw many democracies adopt proportional representative systems. The textbook explanation, pioneered by Rokkan, emphasize between‐party electoral competition; the rise of the Socialist vote share made Bourgeois parties prefer PR systems to maximize their seat share. While appealing, this account is not entirely compelling. Consequently, scholars are investigating within‐party explanations of support for such reforms. Particularly, Cox, Fiva, and Smith show how list PR enable party leaders to discipline members and build cohesive parties. Relying on roll‐call votes across the Norwegian 1919 electoral reform from two‐round single‐member plurality to closed‐list PR, they show that the internal party cohesion increased following the reform. We investigate how the Norwegian electoral reform changed the content of parliamentary speeches. Comparing speeches from MPs present both before and after the reform, we show how parties become more cohesive in parliamentary debates under list PR than they were under the single‐member‐district system.     

Sentencing data-driven cybercrime. How data crime with cascading effects is tackled by UK courts

This paper contributes to research seeking to understand if and how legislation can effectively counter cybercrimes that compromise personal data. These ‘data crimes’, which are the ‘dark side’ of big data and the data economy enabled by cloud computing, display cascading effects, in that they empower disparate criminals to commit further crimes and victimise a broad range of individuals or data subjects. The paper addresses the under-researched area of sentencing, which, as the last step of the judicial process, plays a crucial role in how the law is interpreted and implemented.This paper investigates courts’ approach to the evolving technological environment of cybercrime captured by data crime and the cascade effect and whether the cascade effect can assist courts in dealing with data-driven cybercrime. The paper examines original data collected from UK courts, namely 17 sentencing remarks relating to cybercrime court cases decided in England & Wales between 2012 and 2019. The analysis shows that courts appreciate the impact of data crime and their cascading effects, but that the complexity of the offences is lost at sentencing, arguably due to the negative impact of systemic factors, such as technology neutral law and the lack of legal authorities.After examining such systemic factors, the paper suggests how the cascade effect could aid sentencing by adding specificity and context to data crime. The paper ends with avenues for further research relating to debates on fair cybercrime sentencing and open justice.     

论全面人才观与整体人才开发机制

人才是指各方面的高层次人员。人才包括管理型人才、研究型人才、技术型人才和操作型人才。人才是最重要的战略资源,是国际竞争的焦点。人才开发胜于人才管理。人才开发机制包括社会舆论机制、人才发现机制、人才培养机制、人才监督机制和人才淘汰机制。     

驳毛泽东主张“无支配自由”说

毛泽东从未主张过"无支配自由",从未追求过"无支配自由"。说毛泽东主张"无支配自由"并为之奋斗终身,说毛泽东思想与事业的基本主题是"无支配自由",说毛泽东领导中国人民的动力和路标是"无支配自由",说毛泽东"根据无支配自由的根本要求"进行人民民主的"整体构想和具体构建",这是对毛泽东,对毛泽东思想与事业,对马克思主义中国化理论、马克思主义中国化道路的极度歪曲、莫大污蔑。打着毛泽东的旗号鼓吹西方的"无支配自由"论,是极其有害的。     

国家如何塑造乡村精英?——关于乡村精英变迁中的国家角色述评

围绕"村民自治制度实行以来,国家如何塑造乡村精英"这一核心问题,本文对相关研究领域的文献进行了梳理。本文将国家对乡村精英的塑造区分为两个层次:一是作为"整体的国家"以宏观政策方式塑造乡村精英。其中,意识形态话语的变迁使乡村精英由"政治型精英"转变为"经济型精英",基层制度设计的变迁使乡村精英由"单一政治型精英"转变为"多元化精英",资源性政策的变迁则使得"新代理人"登上村庄政治舞台。二是基层政府作为与乡村精英直接互动的行动者塑造乡村精英。其中,压力型科层制使基层政府根据中心工作的性质来塑造乡村精英,使乡村精英经历了税费时期的"灰黑化"、税费改革后前几年的"老好人化",以及资源下放时期的"新代理人化";乡村关系则使得基层政府根据与乡村社会的博弈来塑造乡村精英:强乡弱村的乡村关系使乡村精英由"兼业化"走向"职业化",强村弱乡的乡村关系使得乡村精英主要由"有声望的村民"来担任。