重视犯罪心理分析、深化犯罪心理学研究与教学

犯罪心理分析技术与方法对分析案情、刻画罪犯具有重要作用 ,将是现代侦破工作的一大支柱。要重视和加强犯罪心理分析技术与方法的研究 ,深化犯罪心理学研究与教学 ,进一步发挥犯罪心理学在揭露、打击和治理犯罪中的作用。     

Development of a harmonised method for the profiling of amphetamines VI: Evaluation of methods for comparison of amphetamine

Amphetamine samples were analysed by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS), and the peak areas of 33 target compounds were transformed by applying various pretreatment techniques. The objective was to optimise the ability of a number of distance metrics to establish links between samples of amphetamine originating from the same batch (henceforth referred to as linked distances). Furthermore, partial least squares discriminant analysis (PLS-DA) was used to evaluate the effects of various pretreatment methods on separation of amphetamine batches synthesised by the Leuckart reaction, reductive amination of benzyl methyl ketone, and the nitrostyrene route. The most efficient way to pretreat GC-MS data varied for the different distance metrics, although best results were obtained when data were normalised to the sum of peak areas, and either the fourth root or a logarithm was applied to the normalised data. When pretreating normalised data by fourth root transformation, Pearson correlation was the distance metric that was most successful at finding linked samples. Normalisation and the use of fourth root also represented the best method of pretreating data when employing PLS-DA to separate samples synthesised by different routes. To achieve a faster and more user-friendly procedure for evaluating chromatograms, experiments were performed in which the number of target compounds used to compare samples was reduced. The effect of each compound that was removed was studied by applying PLS-DA and by using Pearson correlation to calculate linked distances as well as unlinked distances (between samples from different batches of amphetamine). Considering both links between samples from the same batch and separation of samples synthesised by different routes, the best results were obtained with the data set comprising 26 compounds. Finally, it was found that the profiling method developed in this work was superior to an existing technique with respect to separating linked and unlinked distances.     

TW2、TW3法腕骨骨龄评价方法的诊断性试验

目的比较TW2法英国人标准、TW2法中国人南方标准和TW3法测定腕骨骨龄对特发性性早熟(IPP)女孩的诊断价值。方法女性IPP患儿55例;对照组83例。回顾性分析初诊左腕X线片,用TW2法、TW2CHC中国人南方标准和TW3法盲法分期,分别测得其腕骨骨龄及其百分位,并分为5个连续性的工作点,即:>P97、>P90、>P75、>P50和、≤P50。结果敏感度(Sen)和特异度(Spe)都比较高的有以下3个工作点:TW2CH“>P90”点,TW3“>P90”点,TW2“>P90”点。结论TW系统3种腕骨骨龄对于IPP女孩都有诊断价值,TW3法和TW2法中国人南方标准诊断价值比较高,TW2法英国人标准的诊断价值为中等。     

壮族地区高校《演讲与口才》教学方法探究

目前壮族地区高校《演讲与口才》这门课程在教学中存在诸多问题,很多教师因循以往的教学经验,没有针对区域性的不同而仍采用传统的教学方式,导致教学效果不尽如人意。因此,对壮族地区高校演讲与口才的教学方式进行探讨,可提高壮族地区高校《演讲与口才》这门课的教学效能。     

Bonding in Pursuit of Policy Goals: How MPs Choose Political Parties in the Legislative State of Nature

How do MPs in nascent legislatures choose a political party? We argue that MPs self‐select into groups of like‐minded colleagues to achieve favored policy outputs. MPs identify colleagues with similar preferences based on observed behavior and informative signals such as socioeconomic status, cultural background, and previous political experience. We test this explanation in the first democratically elected German parliament, the Frankfurt Assembly of 1848, that developed a differentiated party system in the absence of electoral and career incentives. Our statistical analysis shows that MPs were significantly more likely to join parties that were similar to them with regard to ideology, age, regional provenance, confession, noble status, and previous parliamentary experience. Qualitative evidence suggests that major changes in the party system were driven by disputes over policy. Our findings are particularly important for countries with more turbulent paths towards parliamentarization than those witnessed by archetypical cases like Britain or the United States.     

Do Provincial Governors Control National Legislators? Quasi-Experimental Evidence of Argentine Federalism

Do governors control the behaviour of legislators from their provinces and parties in the national congress? The aim of the article is to test gubernatorial subnational political influence on national legislators. I first discuss the problems of the logic behind empirical exercises that measure the legislative influence of governors. Then the study tests gubernatorial influence using quasi-experimental evidence from Argentina, a federalism that bears all the hallmarks for governors to be central actors in the legislative arena. The results support the hypothesis that governors influence the behaviour of legislators from their provinces and parties in the national congress.