The Experience of Women Regarding Chilean Government Measures during the COVID-19 Pandemic

This study explores the experience of ten possible beneficiaries of the measures provided by the Chilean government during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic through remote semi-structured interviews. The results show a scenario of improvisation. Instead of relying on solid gender equity policies, a patchwork of focused measures was implemented, which increased uncertainty and vulnerability. As a result, women experienced sorrow and despair while facing economic constraints and care tasks mostly on their own. This article shows that care remains invisible in politics while overwhelmingly evident at home. Social care policies are urgently needed.     

论以可持续发展为目标的产业结构调整

当前,我国正处在一个重要的经济结构调整期,产业结构的不合理已经严重地阻碍了可持续发展的进程.因此,我国的产业结构调整问题不仅仅是一个结构调整问题,而且必须与可持续发展紧密联系起来.     

论民族区域自治在云南实践的成就与经验

民族区域自治是解决中国民族问题的基本政策.本文深入探讨了其在云南实践和发展中取得的成就,并据此分析了民族区域自治在云南实践的基本经验.     

政府职能转变与行业协会的发展

我国行业协会在其发展过程中政府扮演了不同角色 ,政府职能的错位是我国行业协会发展的一大制约 ,只有转变政府职能 ,行业协会才有作用空间、发展动力及成长环境     

从韶关市村委会的构成看农村妇女政治参与

对韶关市村委会构成的抽样调查表明 :村委会构成中妇女比例小且处于配角地位 ,农村妇女政治参与意识弱且与当地经济发展水平无明显因果关系 ;妇女的传统角色定位、指派荐举方式、文化素质、农户独立耕作制度是农村妇女政治参与的障碍。应通过鼓励、政策倾斜及妇联组织介入提高妇女在村委会中的比例 ,调动农村妇女的政治参与热情     

《合同法》中委托人介入权制度和第三人选择权制度的不足及完善——兼论对《合同法》第403条的修改

文章以完善我国未披露第三人代理中的委托人介入权制度和第三人选择权制度为写作目的,运用法律经济学方法,指出委托人介入权制度和第三人选择权制度的理论依据。据此分析了《合同法》中委托人介入权制度和第三人选择权制度的不足之处,并提出了相应的修改建议。     

性别意识与中国现代女作家的创作追求

现代女性的性别觉醒及其性别重塑,是对女性自我历史命运的一次深刻的性别自救。这种新女性形象的塑造,体现了现代女作家以解构男权性爱霸权,建构女性情爱主体为旨归的创作追求。     

论中国特色的罪犯心理矫治技术

罪犯心理矫治的技术,必须适合我国国情,才能有效地发挥其功能。劳动疗法、谈话疗法、权威疗法和心理平衡疗法是在长期的罪犯心理矫治实践中摸索出的具有中国特色的矫治技术。     

关于增加农民收入的调查意见

1997年以来,大连市农民人均纯收入增长缓慢,其主要原因是:农业结构不合理,第二、第三产业发展缓慢,农村职业教育滞后,农民税后负担过重。为增加农民收入,必须调整优化农业结构,提高农业整体效益;大力发展第二、第三产业,加快捉村富裕劳动力转移;多给少取,切实减轻农民负担。     

Mixed electoral rules’ impact on party systems

The growing literature about mixed electoral systems has addressed their effect on party systems, voting behavior, campaign strategies, legislative roll-call voting, and other issues in a handful of countries. But, the effect of mixed systems has not been fully evaluated cross-nationally or longitudinally. Using data from the World Bank’s Database of Political Institutions, we address this gap in the literature by investigating two related questions. First, do mixed electoral rules produce different election outcomes than other election rules? Second, are these results attenuated by the definitions of mixed systems that scholars employ? We find that mixed systems generate outcomes that are distinct from other electoral systems and that these findings are generally robust across different definitions.