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111.
我国船舶油污损害赔偿案件在适用国内法或国际公约上存在明显的混乱,这表现在适用国际条约方面,采取的是一种以纳入适用与转化适用相结合的方式。就船舶油污损害赔偿事故而言,正确的做法应该是非涉外案件中的责任限制部分,适用我国《海商法》第11章的规定,其他部分适用《民法通则》、《海洋环境保护法》等;涉外案件,如果中国法没有规定,或者中国法的规定与中国参加的国际公约规定不一致,应当适用国际公约。 相似文献
112.
刘妍君 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2014,(2):42-47
潜在手印在现场上出现的频率较高,科学、合理地显现和提取现场手印对于认定犯罪具有重要意义。为了提高现场手印的提取率和利用率,有必要分析潜在手印残留物中油脂成分的变化(如鲨烯、十四酸、棕榈酸、十八酸、棕榈油酸、油酸成分的出现率及其含量随时间的变化等),为研究针对潜在手印油脂成分的专一性显现方法及分析潜在手印的物质成分、新旧程度等提供理论支持,进而提高现场潜在手印的提取率和显现率。 相似文献
113.
思想政治工作是企业的"生命线"。油公司模式下,市场化程度更深,对员工的思想素质、业务水平、心理素质要求更高,对思想政治工作的要求也更高。思想政治工作只有更加务实、细致、融入真情,把工作做活,才能更好地激发员工干事创业的热情,促进企业持续稳定和谐发展。 相似文献
114.
胡海燕 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2014,(2):84-87
新疆边境地区因其与周边多国接壤,既是维护我国统一安全,保证社会主义和谐社会建设的重要屏障,又是抵御西方敌对势力和境外民族分裂势力的前哨阵地。正确把握新疆边境民族地区群众工作敏感性、军事性、复杂性、长远性等特点,针对其特点确立群众工作目标,并通过多种途径做好公安边防部队群众工作,这对维护边境地区安全稳定、社会和谐具有深远的意义。 相似文献
115.
俄罗斯石油公司是俄罗斯最大的国有石油公司。2012年末,它以560亿美元收购秋明—BP石油公司,预计交易在2013年上半年完成。完成收购后,俄罗斯石油公司即晋升为在产量和资源储量上全球最大的石油公司。此次收购将对俄罗斯乃至世界能源行业产生深远影响,并将促进中俄能源合作的开展。 相似文献
116.
公安边防反恐情报工作的SWOT分析 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
恐怖犯罪是威胁我国社会稳定的一个不可忽视的因素。反恐情报工作是反恐工作的重中之重,因此提高公安边防部队反恐情报工作的水平直接关系到整个反恐工作的成败。文章将SWOT分析方法应用于公安边防反恐情报工作,发现当前工作的优缺点,最大限度地发挥优势,避免不利因素带来的影响。 相似文献
117.
Rick S. Kurtz 《政策研究评论》2013,30(4):366-380
The April 20, 2010, BP Deepwater Horizon blowout riveted citizen and elected officials' attention on coastal oil spills in ways not seen since the ill‐fated 1989 Exxon Valdez crisis. A commonly voiced lament included why was the tragedy not prevented? Why the seemingly poor safety practices and who is to blame? Could a spill of such catastrophic proportion happen elsewhere in the future? Applying a spill prevention causation framework developed through the examination of other major near‐shore incidents over a 23‐year period, the author finds Deepwater Horizon exhibited a pattern of shortcomings evident in these other spills. These shortcomings are rooted in policy imperfections, a weak regulatory regime, organizational deviance in lieu of integrity, and interorganizational structure deficiencies. 相似文献
118.
Linda Chelan Li 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(1):87-108
As China's economy continues to grow, it wants to expand its markets and secure reliable supplies of resources in support of its economic development. Resource diplomacy therefore becomes a prominent feature of its modernisation diplomacy. In turn, many African governments perceive political and economic ties with China to be an important asset, which strengthens their international bargaining power, especially vis-à-vis Western governments. African countries are also depicted as China's reliable political and economic partners, though one can hardly afford to be optimistic regarding Africa's peace and development in the future. Many small African governments have been switching diplomatic recognition between Taipei and Beijing for economic assistance too. Chinese leaders have no intention of engaging in diplomatic and strategic competition with the USA and the European Union in Africa, but they certainly will not co-operate with Western governments in helping Africa because they want to push for multipolarity. 相似文献
119.
Elena Shadrina 《后苏联事务》2013,29(6):461-499
A Tokyo-based economist and a noted western economic geographer, both specializing in the hydrocarbon resources of Russia, apply the framework of governance studies in an effort to gain a deeper understanding of the recent changes in the country's energy policy-making. The authors argue that, unlike the international relations paradigm prevailing in studies of Russia's energy policy, the country's multiple roles in the international energy arena (as producer, consumer, exporter, importer, and transit state) warrant a more nuanced approach, reflecting Russian energy policy's flexibility over time and diversity across space. This paper endeavors, therefore, to apply a political economy and governance perspective to an understanding of the significant changes in Russia's energy policy-making regarding its dynamic energy relations with the Northeast Asia (NEA; China, Japan, and South Korea). In exploring the complex interactions between Russia's internal energy policy-making and its emerging energy relations in NEA, the authors addresses three key questions, namely: (1) how Russia's Asian energy policy corresponds to its domestic needs, (2) how much coherence in energy governance and cooperation exists between Russia and the Northeast Asian states at the institutional and organizational levels, and (3) the extent to which Russia's expectations for increased energy cooperation with the Northeast Asian states are likely to materialize. 相似文献
120.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):156-185
Why did developing country governments find themselves mired in high debt by the end of the twentieth century? This paper develops a theoretical framework to understand the relationship between political institutions, resource wealth, and debt burdens. Hypotheses generated are tested on a time-series cross-section data set of developing countries from 1970–2000. Three main findings are reported: oil wealth has a positive relationship with debt; this relationship is weakly conditional on the country's regime type; and the relationship is independent of general commodity price volatility. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of this research for our understanding of the ‘resource curse.’ 相似文献