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121.
    
Abstract

Beginning in the 1930s, Soviet geologists, engineers, and economic planners began laying the infrastructure of informal empire in China's westernmost province of Xinjiang. Seeking to gain access to its rich petroleum wealth in particular, these Soviet state agents helped create a blueprint for state investment and development in Xinjiang that continues to resonate today. Confronting the substantial Soviet investment in the province and driven by a border policy intent on minimizing capital expenditures for distant peripheries, economic planners in the Republic of China and the People's Republic alike relied heavily on Soviet reports, technology, and infrastructure in their own economic development plans. In the end, the efforts of Chinese and Soviet planners, often working in collaboration, helped create an enduring pattern of state investment in Xinjiang. Focusing on oil extraction, processing, and transport operations in Xinjiang, this work reveals the long-term resonances of informal empire in Chinese border regions.  相似文献   
122.
    
The Indonesian state has issued many regulations to control palm oil expansion, but they have been weakly enforced, resulting in widespread illegal plantations. During the last decade, Indonesian authorities have used force to reduce illegal plantations. This article analyses the drivers behind these actions and questions to what extent they reflect the rise of eco-authoritarianism. By investigating six cases of disciplinary action in Sumatra, we conclude that the Indonesian state is neither practising eco-authoritarianism nor constituting a green state. The disciplinary action, however, has had limited success in environmental terms due to policy incoherence, violent contestation and the sector’s historical context.  相似文献   
123.
依据中国现行法应对渤海溢油事故,行政罚款的力度有限,生态损害索赔的现行法依据不足,重大环境污染事故罪也难认定。建立海上溢油损害赔偿机制、确立海洋溢油生态损害防治各项制度,是中国应对海上溢油生态损害的当务之举。以生态系统管理理念为指导思想,以增进生态利益的保护和预防、控制生态损害发生为立法目标,确立海洋生态系统管理立法模式,完善海洋生态系统管理法律制度建设,是应对海上溢油生态损害的立法进路。  相似文献   
124.
ABSTRACT

This paper looks at the intervening role that local political elites play to translate government transfers into effective public spending. We want to know whether mayors spend IGTs to provide basic public services or infrastructure works, and whether such investments are instrumental to secure their advantage as incumbents. To test these arguments, we use a combined dataset of local public finances between 2001 and 2015 and electoral results for the 2009 and 2014 municipal elections in Ecuador. We find that mayors do respond to political incentives and make strategic spending decisions to invest on public services and visible infrastructure projects. However, we find selective spending was insufficient to secure incumbency advantage in the 2014 election. We argue that the executive intervened to block or limit the impact of spending decisions at the local level, thus creating an incumbency disadvantage for mayors. Further research is needed to explain this.  相似文献   
125.
俄罗斯石油公司是俄罗斯最大的国有石油公司。2012年末,它以560亿美元收购秋明—BP石油公司,预计交易在2013年上半年完成。完成收购后,俄罗斯石油公司即晋升为在产量和资源储量上全球最大的石油公司。此次收购将对俄罗斯乃至世界能源行业产生深远影响,并将促进中俄能源合作的开展。  相似文献   
126.
公安边防反恐情报工作的SWOT分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
恐怖犯罪是威胁我国社会稳定的一个不可忽视的因素。反恐情报工作是反恐工作的重中之重,因此提高公安边防部队反恐情报工作的水平直接关系到整个反恐工作的成败。文章将SWOT分析方法应用于公安边防反恐情报工作,发现当前工作的优缺点,最大限度地发挥优势,避免不利因素带来的影响。  相似文献   
127.
The April 20, 2010, BP Deepwater Horizon blowout riveted citizen and elected officials' attention on coastal oil spills in ways not seen since the ill‐fated 1989 Exxon Valdez crisis. A commonly voiced lament included why was the tragedy not prevented? Why the seemingly poor safety practices and who is to blame? Could a spill of such catastrophic proportion happen elsewhere in the future? Applying a spill prevention causation framework developed through the examination of other major near‐shore incidents over a 23‐year period, the author finds Deepwater Horizon exhibited a pattern of shortcomings evident in these other spills. These shortcomings are rooted in policy imperfections, a weak regulatory regime, organizational deviance in lieu of integrity, and interorganizational structure deficiencies.  相似文献   
128.
A total of 33 crude palm oil samples were randomly collected from different regions in Malaysia. Stable carbon isotopic composition (δ13C) was determined using Flash 2000 elemental analyzer while hydrogen and oxygen isotopic compositions (δ2H and δ18O) were analyzed by Thermo Finnigan TC/EA, wherein both instruments were coupled to an isotope ratio mass spectrometer. The bulk δ2H, δ18O and δ13C of the samples were analyzed by Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA), Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and Orthogonal Partial Least Square-Discriminant Analysis (OPLS-DA). Unsupervised HCA and PCA methods have demonstrated that crude palm oil samples were grouped into clusters according to respective state. A predictive model was constructed by supervised OPLS-DA with good predictive power of 52.60%. Robustness of the predictive model was validated with overall accuracy of 71.43%. Blind test samples were correctly assigned to their respective cluster except for samples from southern region. δ18O was proposed as the promising discriminatory marker for discerning crude palm oil samples obtained from different regions. Stable isotopes profile was proven to be useful for origin traceability of crude palm oil samples at a narrower geographical area, i.e. based on regions in Malaysia. Predictive power and accuracy of the predictive model was expected to improve with the increase in sample size. Conclusively, the results in this study has fulfilled the main objective of this work where the simple approach of combining stable isotope analysis with chemometrics can be used to discriminate crude palm oil samples obtained from different regions in Malaysia. Overall, this study shows the feasibility of this approach to be used as a traceability assessment of crude palm oils.  相似文献   
129.
面对21世纪中俄经贸合作问题的思考   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
叶利钦时期.中俄两国构建的战略协作伙伴关系.较多地体现在政治、军事和外交方面。经贸合作是个薄弱领域。普京执政后。对华关系的基本框架不会发生大的变化。但考虑到普京在摆脱经济危机和恢复俄罗斯强国地位方面。有着强烈的危机感和迫切感.因此、他的对华政策将具有务实性和转向以经济利益为中心的特点。近年来.两国经贸关系明显落后于政治关系。长期发展下去.有可能影响和削弱中俄政治关系的发展。进入21世纪之际。中俄加强经贸合作.不仅有利于中国经济实现可持续增长和俄经济的复苏、而且还可以进一步巩固和发展两国的政治关系。当前。为把中俄经贸合作推上一个新的高度,应采取一些新的思路和对策:(一)要统一认识.即认识到中俄经贸关系落后于政治关系是客观存在的事实。有鉴于此.才需要我们将两国经贸合作推向一个新水平;(二)要有一个发展双边经贸合作的长期战略规划;(三)要上大项目:(四)加强对俄高科技合作.如在哈尔滨市与俄共建“中俄高新技术合作中心”; (五)大力研究与认真落实省、州合作、鼓励并推动地方政府发展区域合作。如吸引俄资本与技术参与我国西部大开发.尤其应将西伯利亚与远东地区作为区域合作的重点。特别应指出的是:没有我方与俄远东地区融洽的政治  相似文献   
130.
黑龙江省与俄罗斯远东的资源结构具有明显的互补性。因此,应将开发和利用俄远东的自然资源作为与俄投资合作的优先方向。从21世纪起俄罗斯远东油气资源的开发规模将扩大,速度将提升。黑龙江省应抢抓有利时机,充分利用地缘优势,加大力度推进与俄远东地区合作开发和利用油气资源。  相似文献   
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