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251.
目的建立酸化甲醇(pH=3)液液萃取-超高效液相色谱-串联三重四极杆质谱(UPLC-MS/MS)测定常见食用植物油中5种鸦片生物碱吗啡、可待因、蒂巴因、罂粟碱、那可汀的检验方法。方法样品加入正己烷摇匀后用酸化甲醇(pH=3)提取,BEH C18色谱柱分离,乙腈(0.01%甲酸)-水(0.01%甲酸+0.05%氨水,体积比)梯度洗脱,电喷雾离子源正离子(ESI+)及多反应监测模式检测。结果结果显示5种待测成分在0.5~300ng/g范围内线性关系良好;方法检出限(S/N=3)在0.1~2ng/g间、定量限(S/N=10)在0.5~3ng/g间;回收率(20ng/g,200ng/g)在82.0%~101.4%间,相对标准偏差(RSD,n=6)为1.4%~4.2%,基质效应(20ng/g,200ng/g)在-5.3%~5.8%间,日间精密度为2.8%~6.7%。结论本方法前处理简单、耗时短,溶剂使用量少,灵敏度高,适合大批量常见食用植物油中5种鸦片生物碱的同时检测。  相似文献   
252.
The proper governance of shale gas mining in the Karoo region of South Africa is important. With an estimated 390 trillion cubic feet of recoverable shale gas, large economic gains are possible. This may dramatically change the South African energy sector; in the United States, similar explorations have led to what pundits term the ‘shale gas revolution’. The development and production of shale gas hold economic advantages, but also potential environmental costs, thus the regulation of fracking activities is an important consideration as the development of shale gas in the Karoo progresses. This study reviews the regulations imposed in other countries as well as the current regulatory framework of South Africa. This article analyses these regulations in terms of the content of fracking fluid, seismic activity and the pricing regime. Effective regulation will be key to maximise a positive impact, should shale gas development continue.  相似文献   
253.
This article contributes to the conceptualization of how policy models circulate by analysing the ‘frontier politics’ that occurs when a mobile policy meets resistance and constraint. We argue that advocates of harm reduction drug policy operate within a constrained political–institutional environment, but one that is not closed or predetermined. We make the argument in reference to struggles over harm reduction drug policy in Surrey, BC, a suburban municipality in Greater Vancouver. Thus, even at frontiers, policy change may occur, even if slowly, incrementally, or cautiously. In conclusion, we reconsider questions of constrained mobility, policy assemblages, and frontier politics to reflect on the character of, and possibilities for, policy change.  相似文献   
254.
目的 通过比较亳州地区4种药用菊花栽培品种的化学成分,为药用菊花的质量评价提供参考。方法以绿原酸、木犀草苷、3,5-O-二咖啡酰基奎宁酸、总挥发油含量为检测指标,对同一栽培环境下的4种药用菊花栽培品种的化学成分含量进行测定。结果 4种药用菊花栽培品种的绿原酸、木犀草苷、3,5-O-二咖啡酰基奎宁酸含量以杭白菊最高,亳菊最低;总挥发油含量以杭白菊最高,小白菊最低,亳菊挥发油颜色为蓝色。结论 菊花的主要化学成分含量因栽培品种不同而存在明显差异,亳菊挥发油颜色与其他3种不同,即品种与质量之间存在一定的相关性。  相似文献   
255.
目的观察万花油外用结合物理疗法对慢性肾衰竭血液透析患者动静脉内瘘血肿的临床疗效。方法将96例慢性肾衰竭血液透析动静脉内瘘血肿患者随机分为对照组和治疗组,每组各48例。对照组给予冰敷、热敷及红外照射的物理治疗,治疗组在对照组疗法基础上加用万花油,两组均治疗至血肿消失。比较两组患者治疗3d后血肿消退情况、血肿局部疼痛评分情况及治疗结束后随访6个月时的并发症发生情况。结果治疗组血肿消退情况明显优于对照组(P0.05)。两组治疗后内瘘局部血肿疼痛均明显减轻(P0.05),但治疗组治疗后疼痛评分下降程度显著大于对照组(P0.05)。随访6个月后,治疗组患者内瘘血流不足、静脉炎、内瘘狭窄、血栓形成的发生率均明显低于对照组(P0.05)。结论万花油外用结合物理疗法可促进透析患者动静脉内瘘血肿的消退,减轻局部疼痛,减少并发症的发生。  相似文献   
256.
目的 评价经鼻给药沉香精油对单次长时间应激(single-prolonged stress,SPS)诱导的小鼠创伤后应激障碍(posttraumatic stress disorder,PTSD)样行为的作用,并从突触的角度探讨其可能的作用机制。方法 通过气相色谱—质谱联用定性分析沉香精油主要成分;将C57BL/6小鼠随机分为正常组、模型组、沉香精油低剂量组、沉香精油高剂量组和阳性药组\[罗利普兰(Rolipram,ROL)\],每组8只。采用行为学实验评价SPS小鼠的PTSD样行为:分别通过恐惧记忆测试实验检测小鼠恐惧凝滞时间,旷场和高架十字迷宫实验评价小鼠的焦虑样行为。Western blot法检测小鼠海马组织N-甲基-D-天冬氨酸受体(N-methyl-D-aspartate receptor,NMDAR)2A亚单位(GluN2A)、2B亚单位(GluN2B)蛋白表达水平。结果 沉香精油样品中共检测到117种挥发性成分。动物实验结果表明,与正常组比较,模型组小鼠表现出强烈的焦虑样行为及恐惧记忆消退异常(P<0.05),而沉香精油及阳性药ROL可明显改善SPS小鼠的异常行为(P<0.05),并逆转GluN2A、GluN2B的异常表达(P<0.05)。结论 经鼻给药沉香精油对SPS诱导的小鼠PTSD样行为具有改善作用,其机制可能与调控GluN2A、GluN2B蛋白表达有关。  相似文献   
257.
发达国家战略石油储备体系初探   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
伴随着我国石油对外依存度的提高,加快我国战略石油储备体系建设刻不容缓。发达国家如美、日、德、法等国早在上世纪70年代就开始建立战略石油储备,这些国家在建立和完善战略石油储备体系过程中,积累了很多有价值的经验。借鉴这些经验,将有助于我国战略石油储备体系的建立和完善。  相似文献   
258.
When does inequality lead to conflict? Despite recent studies highlighting the effects of group exclusion, this question has not been fully answered. We argue that objective group inequality is not sufficient to fuel unrest. Structural inequalities need to be perceived as unfair, and become grievances, in order to spark mobilization. While most conflict scholars recognize this on a theoretical level, statistical tests of the effect of inequality on conflict almost exclusively rely on objective data. This limits their ability to distinguish when inequality is politically relevant and when it is not. Southern Tanzania is a case in point. Despite decades of marginalization, the population remained peaceful until natural gas was discovered, and the government was perceived to break their promises of local development. Demonstrating that objective regional inequalities have remained relatively constant, while group grievances seems to have increased, we argue that direct measures of grievances are needed to pinpoint when inequality becomes politically salient. Using novel survey data, we find that people who think that the region is treated unfairly have the highest likelihood of supporting and participating in civil unrest.  相似文献   
259.
This article explores the gendered experience of monocrop oil-palm expansion in a Hibun Dayak community in Sanggau District, West Kalimantan (Indonesia). It shows how the expanding corporate plantation and contract farming system has undermined the position and livelihood of indigenous women in this already patriarchal community. The shifting of land tenure from the community to the state and the practice of the ‘family head’ system of smallholder plot registration has eroded women's rights to land, and women are becoming a class of plantation labour. At the same time, as in other cases of expansion of agrarian corporate commodity production, we can discern a familiar pattern of ambivalence between, on the one hand, the attractions of regular cash income and, on the other, the loss of resource tenure and autonomy, which helps to explain the community's gendered experience of coercion, exploitation, intimidation, consent and resistance.  相似文献   
260.
This paper traces the re-spacing of pastoral drylands in Africa. We argue that rendering pastoral resources legible and profitable occurs both within and beyond the state. Through a multi-sited case study from Ethiopia's Somali region, we excavate different mechanisms of sedentarization, whereby processes of state territorialization and indigenous commodification become mutually entangled. Sedentarization is not imposed by the state or corporate capital, but by indigenous merchants who capture the frontier's potential resource dividend. Land appropriation in the drylands is co-produced by political claims to territory, capital investment and new technopolitics through which indigenous (pastoral, Somali) merchants and politicians become complicit with the state's project of territorialization and sedentarization in a self-governing fashion. The irony of this situation is that the (Ethiopian) state has failed to consolidate sedentarization through planned interventions. Instead, capital investment by local and transnational Somali merchants has opened up a neoliberal frontier that re-spaces drylands towards increasing sedentarization.  相似文献   
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