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11.
Abstract

While the use of active learning exercises and the incorporation of popular culture in the classroom have increased in recent years, the study of potential gendered effects on learning and engagement when it comes to these practices has been limited. In this study, data are collected from international politics courses using a zombie outbreak as the theme for a United Nations simulation to explore whether there are unintentional gendered outcomes from these activities. Contrary to expectations of previous literature, no statistical differences manifest between men and women in enjoyment and learning when using zombie themes in active learning.  相似文献   
12.
大众文化对马克思主义意识形态话语权有解构力,也有再创造力。在大众文化崛起的时代,推进马克思主义的中国化、时代化和大众化是捍卫马克思主义意识形态的话语权并展现出其深厚的文化软实力的根本所在。  相似文献   
13.
党的十八大报告对统一战线提出了"促进思想上同心同德、目标上同心同向、行动上同心同行"的要求;作为新时期"同心思想"重要策源地的毕节试验区,需要精心贯彻落实好"顶层设计",以"同心思想"推进"同心行动",勇于试验探索,实现科学发展。  相似文献   
14.
在党的事业是为包括他们在内的多数人谋利益的事业的意义上 ,广大的宗教信仰者是统战工作的对象 ;而在党的事业是依靠包括他们在内的多数人的力量才能完成的事业的意义上 ,广大的宗教信仰者又是统战工作的主体。正确认识数以亿计的宗教信仰者在党的统战工作中的双重品格 ,对于做好宗教工作具有十分重要的意义 :它是我党做出“积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应”这个重大战略决策的客观依据 ,它为我们认识宗教“五性”提供了新的视角 ,它使我们能够从理论和实践两方面还中国社会主义初级阶段的宗教以真面目 ,进一步做好宗教统战工作。  相似文献   
15.
Jacqueline Susann's Valley of the Dolls (1966) and Grace Metalious's Peyton Place (1956) are novels that have long exerted a powerful hold on the popular imagination. The bestselling Peyton Place was adapted into a successful film in 1957 before becoming an iconic television series, running from 1964 to 1969. Valley of the Dolls was similarly re-imagined in two films, Valley of the Dolls (1967) and Beyond the Valley of the Dolls (1970), which, even today, retain a cult following. These books are typically remembered for their scandalous bringing to light of such ‘taboo’ issues as adultery, abortion, female sexuality and sexual abuse. But this article suggests that Peyton Place and Valley of the Dolls are equally preoccupied with a sympathetic examination of the role of women in the post-war workplace. In both of these novels, the process of female self-fashioning is integrally related to a woman's entry into the workforce, and to the making and controlling of her own money. But this entry into the male-dominated workforce is inherently fraught with danger, and Metalious and Susann expose some of the myriad ways in which the so-called ‘American Dream’ is contingent on the entrapment, suppression and regulation of various forms of female desire and agency.  相似文献   
16.
Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse.  相似文献   
17.
A new political geography has emerged in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) after the Arab Spring. The transformative impact of the popular upheavals appeared to put an end to long-term authoritarian regimes. Today, the region is far from stable since authoritarian resilience violently pushed back popular demands for good governance and is pushing to restore former state structures. However, the collective consciousness of the popular revolts endures, and a transformative prospect may emerge on the horizon. The chaotic situation is the result of an ongoing struggle between those who seek change and transformation and others in favour of the status quo ante. A critical evaluation of the Arab Spring after five years indicates a continuous process of recalculation and recalibration of policies and strategies. There are alternative routes for an eventual settlement in the MENA region, which are in competition against both regional and transregional quests for a favourable order.  相似文献   
18.
Anyone who attempts to understand and reverse the major defeat suffered by Labour in the December 2019 general election needs first to appreciate why comparisons with the defeats of the 1980s are so unhelpful. In 1983 Labour was all but wiped out across southern England, but held on comfortably across the ‘red wall’. By contrast, in 2019 Labour did well in cities and university towns across the south, and appears to have solved its historic problem with the southern, educated middle class. However, this has been at the expense of alienating working class voters across the country, not just in its former industrial heartlands. But this is not inevitable. A reanalysis of testimony from hundreds of interviews with working people across England from the 1940s onwards allows insights into attitudes and values that are often obscured by survey techniques. Crucially, it points to a broad-based vernacular liberalism at odds with the culture wars model of a terminal crisis for social democracy.  相似文献   
19.
大学生流行文化以其当下性及新异性满足了大学生缓解压力、追求自我的差别性需要;同时,它也以其商业诱惑性刺激着大学生的假性需求,使大学生成为流行的俘虏而失去个性化与自由的积极意义。构建大学生流行文化的参照系统和引导体系,培育高素质的具有时尚感的教育队伍,是大学生参与创新流行文化或者摆脱流行话语隐性权力控制的主要导向机制。  相似文献   
20.
统一战线是马克思主义同中国国情相结合的产物,是中国共产党夺取新民主主义革命胜利和建设中国特色社会主义的重要法宝之一。过去,它是毛泽东思想的重要组成部分之一。在今天,它是邓小平理论、"三个代表"重要思想和科学发展观的组成部分之一。党的十八大以来,统一战线在全面建成小康社会、努力实现中国梦的过程中发挥着不可替代的作用。  相似文献   
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