全文获取类型
收费全文 | 394篇 |
免费 | 2篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 25篇 |
工人农民 | 17篇 |
世界政治 | 8篇 |
外交国际关系 | 17篇 |
法律 | 21篇 |
中国共产党 | 33篇 |
中国政治 | 98篇 |
政治理论 | 32篇 |
综合类 | 145篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 6篇 |
2017年 | 5篇 |
2016年 | 12篇 |
2015年 | 12篇 |
2014年 | 27篇 |
2013年 | 39篇 |
2012年 | 35篇 |
2011年 | 23篇 |
2010年 | 27篇 |
2009年 | 21篇 |
2008年 | 25篇 |
2007年 | 14篇 |
2006年 | 12篇 |
2005年 | 17篇 |
2004年 | 16篇 |
2003年 | 27篇 |
2002年 | 28篇 |
2001年 | 17篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有396条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
321.
Ota Konrád 《Nationalities Papers》2018,46(5):759-775
The study explores the phenomenon of popular violence in the first months and years after the end of World War I on the basis of a comparison between the Bohemian lands, forming the central part of the newly established Czechoslovakia, and Austria, as another successor state to the former Habsburg monarchy. Aside from the continuities, new forms of violence increasingly emerged in the first years after the end of the war, and also the “language” of violence was transformed. While in Czechoslovakia, the framework within which people were learning to understand the new world was shaped by the national and republican discourse oriented to the future, in Austria the collective identities and mentalities were being formed along the lines of particular party political blocks. In both cases, the nationalization and politicization of violence respectively contributed to the emergence of new forms of popular violence; but at the same time they could also be used for its de-escalation, necessary for the re-integration of society disrupted by the wartime experience. However, even if both countries went out from the war on different paths, the violence stayed part of their political culture and it could be mobilized again. 相似文献
322.
Hazel Marsh 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2021,40(3):416-431
The Asamblea Popular de los Pueblos de Oaxaca (APPO), a social movement that emerged in June 2006, was a response to severe government repression of a teachers' strike in Oaxaca, Mexico. This article focuses on the movement participants' involvement with music, and the innovative ways in which songs associated with APPO were shared and circulated during the conflict. APPO's engagement with musical activities created spaces in which the political significance of regional culture was reinterpreted and re-signified. APPO, despite failing in its primary political objectives, thus generated new ways of relating to the performance, representation, politics and consumption of musical traditions. 相似文献
323.
Lukas Lauener 《Swiss Political Science Review》2020,26(2):153-180
The literature on correct and consistent voting has focused on issue‐opinions and argument‐positions when examining whether vote decisions correspond to individual political preferences. However, the question whether vote decisions align with basic political values has largely been neglected so far. This paper introduces a novel measure named value consistent voting. It finds that, in Switzerland, around 25% jettison their basic political values when deciding on proposals. Using multilevel regression analysis of survey data, this paper investigates the determinants of value consistent voting. Three theoretical approaches are tested; the sophistication, identification and ambivalence hypotheses. The results show that political sophistication and identification foster value consistent voting. Moreover, there is an interaction between education and adhering to the preferred party’s vote recommendation. This finding supports the thesis that highly educated citizens use heuristics most efficiently. However, the more ambivalent people are, the more often they vote against their basic political values. 相似文献
324.
Feminist scholarship has invested attention in popular culture as a terrain upon which understandings of feminism are circulated, contested and explored. This is particularly so in the contemporary moment in which feminism appears to have achieved a new ascendency. But whilst popular culture and feminism are recognised as inextricably enmeshed, there remains the implicit or explicit assumption in feminist scholarship that popular media culture could do ‘better’, and that there is a more ‘authentic’ form of feminism waiting to find representation. In response to this context, this article undertakes an analysis of Twitter responses to Celebrity Big Brother: Year of the Woman (2018) in order to explore the ways in which a popular media text provides an arena for the negotiation of popular feminism. Rather than positioning reality TV and celebrity culture as a site of ‘ideological ruin’ for feminism, this article explores how CBB is discussed in relation to feminism as popular television, and the ways in which this may offer affordances and limitations. The article concludes that feminist media scholars need to give due attention to the complexities of popular feminism as articulated by popular media culture. 相似文献
325.
统战工作艺术是统战工作方法的巧妙运用和统战工作经验的理性升华。从党和国家领导人到普通统战理论工作者都十分重视统战工作艺术的运用和研究。毛泽东、周恩来、邓小平等老一辈无产阶级革命家在中国革命和建设的伟大实践中巧妙运用统战工作艺术 ,充分发挥了统一战线在革命和建设中的法宝作用。他们的统战艺术是统战艺术宝库的奇葩 ,鲜艳夺目。广大统战理论工作者 ,在统一战线实践中 ,不断探索 ,不断创新 ,使统战工作艺术更加丰富多彩。概括起来有八大艺术 :即善断的艺术 ;主动的艺术 ;应变的艺术 ;兼顾的艺术 ;创新的艺术 ;协调的艺术 ;求同的艺术 ;交友的艺术。 相似文献
326.
王国麟 《贵州社会主义学院学报》2016,(4):5-9
党的十八大以来,习近平总书记发表了许多有关统一战线工作的重要论述,是我们做好统战工作的具体指南。结合统战工作实际,认真学习贯彻,以教促学,不断提高我们的教学科研水平,不断增强广大党外人士坚定不移走中国特色社会主义道路的信念和信心。 相似文献
327.
高建生 《中国延安干部学院学报》2014,(2):68-73
发挥基层一线党代表的作用,对保持党的性质、维护党的宗旨具有现实的展示作用,对密切党群关系、巩固执政基础具有积极的推动作用,对发展党内民主、完善党内监督具有重要的促进作用,对强化党的意识、增强党的凝聚力具有明显的激励作用,对破解时代课题、提高党的建设科学化水平具有深刻的启示作用,必须从完善党内法规体系、制度载体、党代表竞争机制、管理机制和作用发挥的研判机制等方面,逐步构建完善有利于基层一线党代表作用发挥的制度机制. 相似文献
328.
刘陶林 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2015,(2)
党领导的统一战线历经九十多年的辉煌历程,向来以服务中心任务为宗旨、以凝聚复兴力量为使命、以发挥成员作用为根本,是中国共产党完成和推动"三大任务"的战略选择、成就和推进"三件大事"的策略保证、实现和发展"三大成就"的力量支撑,是夺取中国革命建设改革胜利的重要法宝。历史启示我们,必须适应统一战线新常态,依法强化统一战线地位,进一步巩固壮大统一战线组织,使统一战线真正成为夺取中国特色社会主义新胜利、实现中华民族伟大复兴中国梦的重要法宝。 相似文献
329.
张木林 《贵州社会主义学院学报》2016,(4):10-14
针对传统的统战工作模式老旧、效率不高,不能系统地、有效地利用新的信息技术平台问题,就目前贵州大数据产业发展的黄金时期,提出以"云上贵州"系统平台为依托,建设贵州统战智库,详细阐述六类统战成员各自的特征,借此夯实完善统战队伍人才建设;并运用"云上贵州"搭建四个统战成员平台,创新统战工作的服务方式,以便更好地推动统战工作稳步持续发展,开启统战工作新篇章。 相似文献
330.
Winnie Bothe 《Democratization》2013,20(7):1338-1361
In 2008 Bhutan inaugurated a written constitution thereby instituting the state as a constitutional monarchy. The constitution is almost unanimously described as democratic by international media and academics. The ease with which this apparent consensus on its democratic character has been achieved, however, raises the important question of how best to approach the theory of constitutional democratization. In approaching the issue of democratization as a move towards popular control, this article discusses the ambivalence of the Bhutanese constitution towards this principle in a cultural context where social order is seen as constituted within the unity of king, country, and people. Curiously, this language is not as unique to Bhutan as one might expect, but influenced by the Westminster legacy in its emphasis on the principle of “Crown in Parliament”, its ritualization, and ideas of political inequality. It raises the question whether this model is suitable as a blueprint model for countries with different historic and cultural trajectories from the European ones? The article advocates a novel approach to the analysis of constitutional transition that transgresses the dichotomy between an institutional and linguistic approach, thus opening up interesting new insights on the waxing and waning of processes of expanding popular control. 相似文献