德里苏丹国时期印度奴隶的地位及其身份演变

德里苏丹国时期印度奴隶因穆斯林政权的建立呈现出不同的特色.连年的战乱及伊斯兰教与印度本土宗教的冲突使奴隶的数量急剧增长,奴隶来源亦更加多元和广泛.这一时期印度奴隶的地位较历史上其他时期有所改善,奴隶的身份和地位呈现出朝向特权阶级的向上的"流动性".伊斯兰教所宣扬的平等思想和苏非圣人们的说教为这种"流动"提供了理论上的可能,以战争为主题的时代背景为这种"流动"提供了实践的机会,初来乍到的穆斯林统治者在印度次大陆立足未稳的客观现实,以及对当地宗教、文化及自然环境所表现出来的"水土不服"为这种"流动"提供了实现的可能.在穆斯林政权建立之后,一部分精英奴隶由于表现出色,被主人解除了奴隶身份,在政治地位上显现出明显的优越性,他们跻身统治阶级,成为封建贵族,极个别奴隶还成功问鼎权力的顶端.一部分奴隶为满足穆斯林宫廷需要,变身为手工业者或艺人,有力地推动了社会经济和文化的发展.不过这一时期绝大多数奴隶的地位并没有发生根本性的变化,他们虽然皈依了伊斯兰教,摆脱了印度社会的种姓压迫,实现了身份的转变,但依然生活在社会的最底层,依然是被压迫、被剥削的对象.     

Dalits and Dispossession: A Comparison

ABSTRACT

Widespread “land wars” in contemporary India have rekindled older debates over the implications of capitalism for caste, with some arguing that land dispossession for new economy projects may be liberating for Dalits. We assess this argument through comparative ethnographic and survey research into the consequences of dispossession for Dalits in the cases of two Special Economic Zones built during the 2000s. We advance three arguments. The first, methodological, is that approaching this question requires systematically comparing the outcomes of dispossession for Dalits relative to upper castes. The second, based on such an assessment, is that the interaction between exclusionary growth and caste-based agrarian inequalities has in both cases expanded socio-economic inequalities between upper and lower castes and left most dispossessed Dalits worse off in absolute terms. Third, the cases demonstrate important qualitative differences across generally bad outcomes for Dalits, which derive from the combination of project characteristics and pre-existing agrarian inequalities. While demonstrating how the exclusionary growth driving dispossession in contemporary India is generally unpromising for Dalits, we underscore the importance of comparative ethnographic research into the interaction between different forms of dispossession and specific agrarian social structures.     

“印太”视域下印日“特殊全球战略伙伴关系”:动力、影响及前景

近年来,随着美国"印太"战略的提出和印度洋战略地位的进一步凸显,印度洋—太平洋地区已经成为世界各大国战略竞争与博弈的重点区域。印度与日本作为影响印太秩序的两支重要力量,两国均提出了自己的"印太"战略构想,并不断加强在印太地区的战略互动。在"印太"地缘框架下,印日战略伙伴关系的内涵得到全面发展,已经升级为"特殊全球战略伙伴关系"。印日战略伙伴关系以共同的"民主价值观"为纽带,在政治、经贸、安全、军事等各领域的合作全面深化,并具有浓厚的制衡中国色彩。在当前国际政治、经济重心向印太地区转移的大背景下,印日战略伙伴关系的强化既是两国各自利益的需求使然,也是对印太地缘政治格局新变化的反应,必将对当前的印太地区秩序产生深远而复杂的影响。面对"印太时代"的到来,中国应与印日共同建立有关印太地区秩序的对话沟通机制,扩大中印日三国在印太地区基于共同利益的战略合作,推进印太命运共同体建设。在当前印太地缘政治兴起与日印战略伙伴关系不断升温的情势下,中国既要密切关注日印战略伙伴关系的发展态势,客观地看待印日在印太地区的战略互动给中国周边外交环境带来的各种风险和挑战。同时也要积极构建中国的"印太"战略,运筹好中日、中印双边关系,以便塑造有利于中国和平崛起的周边安全环境。     

The prism of strategic culture and South Asian nuclearization

In this paper, Ken Booth's concept of strategic culture is drawn on to examine India and Pakistan's nuclear policy options/policies. The thrust of the argument is that the perceptions of India and Pakistan's strategic insecurities as interpreted by their security managers, through the prism of their strategic cultures, have, in conjunction with material, domestic and technological factors, defined their nuclear trajectories. In framing the argument, although appreciative of the material (realist) realm, attention is drawn simultaneously to the inter-subjective (constructivist) realm, namely, that productions of insecurities are also ‘cultural’. This constructivist line of analysis, which draws attention to culture ‘as both a source of insecurity and an object of analysis’ in international relations, has implications on the future of a nuclearized South Asia.     

略论英国东印度公司对华茶叶贸易起源

本文从17世纪英国东印度公司的建立与兴起、对外贸易的指导思想、对华茶叶贸易的发生和发展等方面探讨了英国东印度公司对华茶叶贸易起源问题。     

殖民主义是根源——析《印度之行》

在一些人看来,《印度之行》中的英国殖民者和印度人民之间存在着一条几乎无法逾越的鸿沟,这是由于英国人缺乏同情心,缺乏想象力和印度人的善意、真诚而缺乏实际能力的精神状态之间的矛盾所造成的。本文不赞同这一观点。笔者认为:两者之间的矛盾根源于英国的殖民主义和由此产生的种族歧视。     

印度争当安理会常任理事国与大国关系

冷战后 ,印度把争当安理会常任理事国作为其大国战略的有机组成部分。印度的“常任”诉求难以回避与德、日、巴 (西 )等候选国的竞争和博弈 ,更要取决于印度与五大常任理事国的关系互动。作为“五常”之一的中国就此应采取什么态度 ,关乎中国的战略利益。     

The Descent of Power: Possession,Mysticism, and Initiation in the Śaiva Theology of Abhinavagupta

This paper surveys the key terms śaktipāta and samāveśa (both of which refer to religious experience) in the primary sources of Tantric Śaivism over several centuries of textual development, building up a theory as to their range of meanings. It specifically focuses on their usage by Abhinavagupta (Kāshmīr, 10th century) by presenting a complete translation of chapter 11 of his Tantrasāra. The paper thus serves to (a) illuminate the nature of spiritual experience and the qualifcations for religious praxis in Śaivism, (b) give insight into the worldview of the Tantric Śaivas, and (c) help in pinpointing a specific and significant issue in the phenomenological study of religion generally. An earlier version of this paper has been published in a somewhat different form in Evam: Forum on Indian Representations vol. 4, published by Samvad India, New Delhi, India. This paper could not have been written without two years of intensive study with Professor Alexis Sanderson of All Souls College, Oxford, whose scholarship has proved essential in advancing my understanding of Śaivism. Also very helpful was Dr. Somadeva Vasudeva, now of Columbia University, whose database and encyclopedic knowledge have been invaluable. The germ of the idea for this article was suggested to me when Professor Paul Muller-Ortega (University of Rochester) first pointed out to me the passage beginning at MVT 2.14.     

Does conflict begin at home?—using family dynamics to understand The Hindu-Muslim conflict in British India; 1907–1947

ABSTRACT

Despite common use of the term ‘sibling-rivalry’ for Hindu-Muslim conflict in British India, there are few or no attempts to explain this phenomenon from a proper theoretical foci. By employing an indigenous interpersonal conflict model, this article seeks to examine Hindu-Muslim conflict in the pre-partition period. This draws on the dynamics of intimate rivalry among family members to explain Hindu-Muslim conflict dynamics from a fresh psycho-cultural perspective. The institution of joint-family is the most pervasive and the most influential institution in the subcontinent shaping certain views regarding the functioning of other institutions in society; including in the political sphere. People use the concrete knowledge learned inside their families to reason about more abstract phenomena such as group conflict. Therefore, the conflict dynamics associated with the family institution are extrapolated onto intergroup conflicts.