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141.
Fonkem Achankeng 《圆桌》2015,104(3):319-340
This article explores the personal meanings and public expressions of colonial existence, home and nationalism among exiles of British Cameroons from the standpoints of 11 biographies of British Southern Cameroons’ first-generation exiles living in the United States. Examining their narratives reveals why the exiles actively resist a public categorisation as being Cameroonians. This article provides a new type of research regarding British Cameroons’ exiles and their vision of the restoration of the statehood of British Cameroons, a former United Nations trust territory deserving its separate sovereignty and independence in accordance with the UN Trusteeship Agreement (1946) and UN Resolution 1514 of 1960 on the independence of colonial people. Significant about this study of the narratives of British Cameroons’ exiles is its focus on biography for portraying particular facets of nationalist resistance, including questions relating to the processes that surround the right to define the community one calls home. 相似文献
142.
Kenneth Bo Nielsen 《当代亚洲杂志》2015,45(4):618-639
AbstractThis article examines the dynamics of judicialisation and dejudicialisation of subaltern resistance in the context of a prolonged anti-land acquisition struggle in Singur in the Indian state of West Bengal. Taking its point of departure in a detailed, chronological ethnographic account of the Singur movement and its shifting engagement with the language and institutions of law, the article demonstrates how the local resistance to a land acquisition for the purpose of setting up a new automobile factory oscillated strategically back and forth between a multitude of sites of contestation. This strategic oscillation was, in turn, highly sensitive to the broader context in which the movement was carried out, and to the shifting terrain of the local and regional political landscape in particular. The attractiveness of invoking the language and institutions of law as part of their struggle therefore significantly depended on the attractiveness of other modalities of resistance at a given moment. In conclusion, the article uses the Singur case to critically interrogate and rethink the seminal work of Partha Chatterjee on political society and the politics of the governed in post-colonial India. 相似文献
143.
Ayo A. Coly 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2015,33(1):12-26
Using the examples of the partially unclothed African woman in Senegal's controversial African Renaissance Monument (2009) and the 2008 proposed Anti-Nudity bill in Nigeria, this article probes postcolonial African engagements with the female body. The essay proposes that such postcolonial African preoccupations with how the female body is presented and seen should be contextualised in the fray of postcolonial African endeavours to resignify Africa, in response to colonial discourses. The essays bind these preoccupations to an ideologico-discursive continuum that has produced and sustained the African female body as a rhetorical element of colonialism then postcolonialism. 相似文献
144.
Progress,Perceptions and Peace in the Sino-Indian Relationship 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The Chinese and Indian government are eager to intensify bilateral ties. This paper evaluates whether this enthusiasm has
positively affected perceptions of the two societies in general, political actors and experts. A review of opinion polls,
publications and official documents learned that this is not the case. Mutual perceptions are marked with ambivalence and
distrust.
Jonathan Holslag is a researcher at the Brussels Institute of Contemporary China Studies (BICCS) of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel. This study is based on extensive terrain research in China and India between December 2007 and March 2008. 相似文献
Jonathan HolslagEmail: |
Jonathan Holslag is a researcher at the Brussels Institute of Contemporary China Studies (BICCS) of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel. This study is based on extensive terrain research in China and India between December 2007 and March 2008. 相似文献
145.
Munmun Jha 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):205-218
This paper portrays the nature of child workers in India and seeks to understand its many complexities. It looks at the definition
of child labour, the extent of its prevalence, the reasons why children work, and the occupations they are engaged in. It
outlines India’s position on international obligations, its expanding domestic laws, and the tardy implementation of these
laws. It examines some of the inherent cultural constraints and the role of values and beliefs in perpetuating child labour.
It analyses the relationship between education and child workers, and a possible solution in the form of compulsory education.
The paper emphasises that child workers in India are from the marginalized sections and do not work out of choice. It stresses
that this phenomenon is, above all, a problem for the children. The paper concludes by advocating the need to discard attitudes
that are discriminatory or rationalise abuse, and the need to adopt a rights-based, child-centred approach to counter the
increasing number of child workers.
相似文献
Munmun JhaEmail: |
146.
Andrew Tait Jarboe 《圆桌》2014,103(2):201-210
Abstract Between October 1914 and December 1915, nearly 135,000 Indian riflemen—known as sepoys—fought in the trenches of France and Belgium at the battles of Ypres, Festubert, Givenchy, Neuve Chapelle, Second Ypres and Loos, suffering some 34,252 casualties. At a prisoner of war camp outside Berlin, Indian revolutionaries and emissaries from the Ottoman Empire attempted to convert the allegiances of the sepoys in their custody with a combination of pan-Islamic and nationalist appeals. Although this campaign ultimately failed, it profoundly shaped British repatriation policy at the end of the war when, cautioned Secretary of State for India Austen Chamberlain, the British could not allow men who had been exposed to ‘strongly hostile influences’ to return home unmonitored. The 1918 armistice and British repatriation policy therefore presented a host of new challenges to Britain’s colonial subjects from South Asia as they navigated the post-war imperial landscape and secured what was most important to them—safe transportation home. 相似文献
147.
Denise deCaires Narain 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(4):274-297
AbstractThis essay offers close readings of three texts that in different ways foreground the problems, possibilities and struggle involved in forging affective connections across difference between women: Kate Clanchy, What is She Doing Here? 2008, Jamaica Kincaid, Lucy, 1991a and Marlene Van Niekerk, ‘Labour’, 2004. The author argues that the incomplete and partial nature of affective moments represented in these texts signals possibilities for a cautiously redefined idea of affective feminist solidarity as it is mobilized in the intimacy of domestic spaces. 相似文献
148.
149.
Adam B. Lerner 《当代亚洲杂志》2018,48(3):485-507
Academic literature on India’s economic history often portrays the nation’s Green Revolution as a single package of technocratic reforms that eventually led to sustained growth in India’s total agricultural production – the quintessential triumph of science over political resistance. This account, though, is a dramatic oversimplification, which has led both social and natural scientists to criticise the Green Revolution’s normative consequences without fully addressing the political and economic forces that led to its varied results. To date, India’s Green Revolution lacks the established historical periodisation necessary to begin putting these accounts in dialogue. To remedy these issues, this article introduces the adapted concept of political neo-Malthusianism, which deconstructs the relationship between agricultural production, dependence on foreign aid, and the period’s political battles. Understanding this nexus allows not only for a deeper understanding of the politics that shaped various Green Revolution policies’ implementation, but also moves towards an understanding of its larger place in Indian economic history. 相似文献
150.
Charles Allen 《亚洲事务》2018,49(3):355-369
The historiography of Britain's colonial past has always been problematic, shaped by conflicting mythologies about Britain's role as benefactor or exploiter. In the wake of Indian independence in 1947 it was in the interests of India's national identity to present what had gone before as a period of unmitigated oppression challenged by a united people. The consequence was widespread ignorance about the realities of British rule and of the Indian economy prior to and after British rule, exemplified by a current best-seller written by a well-known Indian political figure, Dr Shashi Tharoor, whose main arguments are examined; in particular, his central claim that India was a wealthy nation prior to Britain's colonial intervention reduced to poverty by Britain's ‘depredations’. 相似文献