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311.
乐石滢 《南亚东南亚研究》2020,(1):49-63,154,155
历史教科书是建构民族成员历史记忆乃至民族认同的重要媒介之一。在印度民族认同建构中,历史教科书如何认识中国这一历史悠久的邻国和定位中印关系,无疑具有重要意义。通过研究印度中央和六个邦现行的高小(6~8年级)、初中(9~10年级)阶段历史教科书,可将印度历史教科书中的中国形象按印度史的分期大致分为近代前、近代、独立后三个时期。近代前,中国是印度在世界范围内的主要贸易伙伴、友好邻国、物质文明大国,而在精神文明领域,中印是学生-精神导师关系。其中,西藏被塑造为印度文化圈的成员,而非中国的一部分。步入近代后,中印同样在帝国主义殖民浪潮冲击下,经历了衰弱和被剥削的文明古国,印度的教科书将中国视为难兄难弟。独立后,中国仍然被书写为国际格局中重要的一极,但中印之间围绕边界、涉核、涉巴等问题,形成了一定程度的对立,中国也开始在教科书中被视为对手和威胁。此外,印度的世俗民族主义、印度教民族主义和地方视角也导致了教科书中中国形象的差异性建构。  相似文献   
312.
This article analyzes the domestic drivers of regulatory state formation in India and Brazil and its consequences for the global rules governing pharmaceutical patents. We first analyze Indian and Brazilian politics of regulatory state formation; then, in light of the extent to which the two countries have built regulatory capacity and capability in the field of patent regulation, we explore whether and how they have been able to influence the existing intellectual property regime in health. We look into India's Section 3(d) and Brazil's prior consent requirement. Whereas India's Section 3(d) regulation has gained international regulatory influence by diffusing to other developing countries, the same cannot be said for Brazil's prior consent regulation, which has been caught by policy-reversals. The transition toward regulatory states in emerging countries is a bulky road and does not progress in linear ways. However, once regulatory capacity and capability have been solidified, domestic policy innovations can become internationally influential.  相似文献   
313.
The paper focuses on the notion of Greater India that celebrated the diffusion of Indian cultural practices in Asia. Although prominent in the early twentieth century, it continued to fascinate Indian statesmen in the post-independence period. Juxtaposing its cultural frame with alternative conceptions of India’s self-identity, the paper argues that Greater India at once engaged with, and was in defiance of, both colonial and nationalist discourses. To what extent was the diffusionist logic calibrated to acknowledge mutual learning in the region? The paper critically engages with the dynamics between the circulation of ideas and their systematisation in India’s intellectual history.  相似文献   
314.
Indian interaction with the global South is at a crossroads. For a long time wedded to Nehruvian values of South–South cooperation, there are now considerable claims that economics underpins relations. This article looks at the current Indian ‘development cooperation’ in Ghana and, crucially, also asks what form Ghanaian responses take. The article concludes that while the rhetoric and ideas behind South–South cooperation are toned down, it is not simply about national interests; rather Indian ‘development cooperation’ is still partly ideologically and normatively informed. In addition, the overall approach of the Indian government is worthy of consideration as it certainly adds to global re-conceptualisations of development assistance.  相似文献   
315.
This article offers an account of the impact of Indian PM Narendra Modi’s decision in November 2016 to withdraw suddenly all Rs 500 and Rs 1000 notes from circulation in India with the avowed intent of combatting fraud, tax avoidance and other economic problems. The article assesses the impact from the demonetisation in November to the March 2017 Indian regional elections, where wide-scale victories for Modi’s political party, the BJP, appear to have vindicated his reforms. The article provides an analysis of the political background of the period, as well as looking at the economic and societal impact of the changes, including the way in which the behaviour of Indian citizens has been ‘nudged’ with particular regard to use of banking, transactions, social effects, and payment of tax.  相似文献   
316.
With the decline of the US-dominated unipolar world order, BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) states as the emerging economies and developing powers have attracted the global attention especially their concepts like "non-polarity" and "post-American world" becoming more popular. BR1CS might be considered as one of the rising forces shaping the new structure of international relations in the 21st century. As the biggest two developing countries, China and India play important roles in boosting Asian and global economic growth and enhancing multilateralism in international affairs. However, the relations of Sino-lndia are complex with competition and cooperation in BRICS forum and international areas. This paper will concentrate on analyzing the roles and relations of China and India in BRICS system and international stages which not only attract the academic attention but also have an impact on shaping multipolar global order. In BRICS system, China and India will greatly improve their cooperation reducing their conflicts and competition, however, India will still consider the US as the most important partner in Asia-Pacific area.  相似文献   
317.
印度拥有问责制政府、独立司法和独立媒体,却不能有效地遏制腐败。究其原因,一是高额的竞选支出滋生政治腐败,二是政府职能错位导致腐败蔓延,三是社会碎片化加剧腐败,四是"危险的稳定均衡"使腐败难以根治。为了治愈这一痼疾,印度政府和社会努力从制度设计入手,创立《预防腐败法案》和《信息权利法案》,同时依靠各类反腐力量,推动公共机构、独立媒体、民间反腐的兴起。印度的这些做法对我国治理腐败具有一定的借鉴价值。  相似文献   
318.
英国政治结构独具的法治主义传统使得由英国殖民统治所引领的近代印度社会转型与法律移植密切相关。英国法的输入奠定了英—印法体系的基础,法律移植通过为印度注入民主、自由、平等、权利等现代理念促进印度社会转型的同时,在解决社会陋习等方面问题上显得有些力不从心,传统文化的许多消极因素仍然困扰着印度社会及其诸多民众,贫穷和压迫并不罕见,全面实现社会平等、自由仍然任重而道远。  相似文献   
319.
与冷战时期的相互淡漠相比,冷战后印韩关系迅速发展,21世纪以来急剧升温。促成两国关系迅速发展的因素包括两国的相互认知、两国的亚洲战略、美国的亚太战略部署以及亚太局势的变化。印韩关系的迅速发展已经并将继续影响亚洲的政治安全局势和亚洲经济共同体的构建前景。有鉴于此,中国应该将全球战略的重点转向亚洲,重新思考亚洲国际秩序的建构。  相似文献   
320.
尽管印度并非米尔斯海默所界定的大国,但并不妨碍印度在对外关系中采取进攻性现实主义的外交策略。从历史传统来看,印度主要采取借势战略的进攻性现实主义策略。借势战略之所以成为进攻性现实主义策略,不仅在于其为获取权力服务,还在于特别重视军事能力的准备与运用。通过审慎分析可以发现,借势战略的收益受诸多变量的影响,其中尤以地缘优劣、国家能力强弱、权力权重、国际制度、队友考量、目标或非目标等影响最为突出。印度与美日海洋安全互动正是其对进攻性现实主义借势战略策略的运用,在该借势战略框架中,印度为施动者,针对目标为中国,借势对象为美国、日本,收益目标包括安全、发展与权力,手段则重视军事能力的准备与扩张。正是基于借势战略,印度与美日的海洋安全互动取得了令人瞩目的进展,尤其在推动印太地缘政治形态、共同应对中国的海洋挑战、多边联合军演制度化、军事装备与技术贸易等方面令人印象深刻。不过,根据借势战略收益的框架进行分析,印度与美日海洋安全互动的借势战略收益是复杂的,大致可以分为正向收益、不确定性收益和负向收益。于中国而言,对印度的进攻性现实主义策略应当有清醒的认识,并做好相关防范。  相似文献   
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