印度传统知识数据库治理体系动态及启示

通过十多年的发展,印度建立了全球最为齐全、完善的传统知识数据库治理体系。以传统知识数字图书馆、人民生物多样性注册系统为典型代表的传统知识数据库为印度传统知识保护提供切实助力,并使其成为世界上传统知识保护最为成功的国家之一。对印度传统知识数据库治理体系动态研究,有助于对我国中医药传统知识数据库领域现状和问题进行评估与反思并提出完善建议。印度传统知识数据库创设、运营和治理具有"公共利益导向、法律机构保障、符合数据伦理、循序持续推进和允许多方参与"等经验,但也存在"缺乏统一数据收集、整理、登记和归档标准""运营实施操作规则仍有待具体明确"等问题。结合印度相关领域先进经验和存在的问题,在检视我国中医药传统知识数据库创设、运营和治理领域存在"公共利益维护缺失、行政监管体制与法律配置不当"等缺陷的基础之上,提出如下建议:创设提供"在先技术"功能的传统知识专门数据库,制定中医药传统知识数据库搜集、整理、登记和归档行业标准,完善中医药传统知识法律保护实施细则与设置行政主管部门与行政监督管理体制,规范约束中医药传统知识数据库商业经营行为,鼓励数据库运营商自行创设运营实施操作规则等。     

CHANGE AND DISCONTINUITY: WAR AND AFGHANISTAN, 1904–1924

In the imaginations of many, war in British India had its focus on the North-West Frontier and was fought against the tribes of that region. However, British thinking about Indian defence involving Afghanistan underwent tremendous change over the period under consideration. British plans to meet a Russian invasion on the Kabul-Kandahar Line in 1904 resembled those of any other Nineteenth Century Imperial campaign, with numbers of infantry and cavalry still being thought of and referred to as bayonets and sabres. Twenty years later, heavily influenced by the experiences of the Great War in the region and the Third Afghan War and associated operations, the calculus was different with logistics changed by motor vehicles and the introduction of what today are referred to as force multipliers, such as aeroplanes and machine guns. It was over this period that warfare as fought and conceptualised by men like Napoleon gave way to modern practices familiar to us today.     

‘New friends,easier partners and bigger brothers’: The influence of the emerging powers on agriculture and food security in Malawi

Emerging powers are credited with influencing development cooperation, but field-based studies incorporating the viewpoints of recipient developing country actors are scarce. This article analyses the presence and the material, ideational and institutional influence of assistance in agriculture and food security in Malawi by the governments of Brazil, India, China and South Africa. The findings suggest first that, despite a similar and powerful discourse linking these four states, in practice the emerging powers' approaches diverge to a large extent. Second, the material influence of these emerging powers is relatively limited and consequently so is their influence on Malawi's decision-making process with regard to development. Finally, perceptions about the emerging powers' potential contribution to addressing development challenges differ greatly between the Malawian government and the traditional donor community. This difference arises from limited coordination and cooperation on the one hand and the importance of ideational influence on the other.     

Now: prefigurative politics through a north Indian lens

This paper focuses on ‘prefigurative politics’ – embodying in the present one's vision of the future – among young people in north India. In so doing it contributes to wider debates on oppositional politics, temporality, India and youth. Building on recent fieldwork in Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh, we highlight the ubiquity of civic-minded everyday forms of prefigurative politics among a subset of young men and young women. We examine the temporality of this politics, which, like other recent prefigurative action across the world, emphasizes acting in the present. Young people in north India tend to view the future not as a point on the horizon but as the precipitate of their daily activities. By identifying the energetic attempts of young people within and beyond India to engage in social action, we also provide a counterpoint to negative stereotypes of youth circulating in the media and some scholarly circles.     

The Strategic Use of Peace: Non-State Armed Groups and Subnational Peacebuilding Mechanisms in Northeastern India

The northeastern region of India has witnessed several armed movements that have sought to achieve a variety of political goals ranging from secession to limited autonomy for specific ethnic groups. In seeking to limit the violence perpetrated in the course of these contemporary subnational insurgencies, a multilayered approach has been developed by the Government of India (GoI) and, more specifically, by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) in coordination with the provincial (or state) governments. The range of de-escalation mechanisms range from ceasefire agreements to the more contemporary Suspension of Operations (SoO) frameworks as well as “Surrender and Rehabilitation” packages for individual members of armed groups. In certain cases, autonomous tribal governance institutions have been created within the federal structure in the backdrop of ceasefire and SoO agreements. The overall consequence of these strategies has been a measureable reduction of direct violence between the security forces and armed opposition groups. Conversely, there have been several occurrences of ethnic clashes (sometimes involving former belligerents) that have led to large-scale loss of life and forced internal displacement in the region. Furthermore, the absence of violence has not necessarily led to development. Rather, we see a situation of peace without peace dividends.     

贵州对外区域经济合作的三维战略选择——向北看，向东看，还是向西看

区域经济一体化是当今经济社会发展的基本趋势。处于经济后发优势的贵州,其周边被国家级经济区、经济战略高地或国际大通道所环绕,战略区位极为优越。在贵州积极贯彻国发[2012]2号文件精神、大力推行新型工业化和工业强省战略的今天,如何与周边经济强区进行战略携手,“借船出海”,是当今贵州面走出经济困境的必须考虑的战略选择。     

The Iraq treaty, 1930

India's relations with the Gulf countries started to flourish in the 1990s after India succeeded in de-hyphenating Pakistan from its policy toward the Gulf. Though Pakistan remained a factor as it continued to raise Kashmir and internal situation in India at multilateral forums such as OIC to evoke anti-India sentiments, it did not remain an underlying factor in as was the case during the Cold War era. In the contemporary dynamics, when India-Gulf relations are progressing toward strategic partnerships, Pakistan has re-emerged as a factor but its nature has changed. As highlighted in the joint statements issued during the Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visits to the Gulf countries since May 2014, India can now put pressure on Pakistan by highlighting its policy of sponsoring terrorism. This was evident when the Arab Gulf countries condemned the Pathankot (January 2016) and Uri (September 2016) terrorist attacks. India's relations with the Arab Gulf and other Middle Eastern countries are independent of their engagements with Pakistan and India-Pakistan tension, but New Delhi has stepped up efforts to raise the issue of cross-border terrorism and use of religion to incite terror activities against India during its engagements with these countries. It underlines the growing convergence between India and Arab Gulf countries over regional issues and the ability of India to isolate Pakistan over issues related to terrorism.     

Lessons from Mexico's economic and social transition

During the past three decades, Mexico has undergone major political, economic, and social changes sparked by regional developments and, particularly, globalisation. Its experiences provide valuable lessons for other countries.     

Tristees tropes: post-modern anthropologists encounter the other and discover themselves

Modernists have represented the world and its history as divided into ‘medieval’ (or traditional) and ‘modern’, ‘developed’ and ‘developing’, and claimed that they will bring about humanity's ‘emancipation’ from the medieval. I argue that the world which modernists wish to bring into existence, far from entailing the erasure of the medieval, as claimed, involves the complex rearticulation of the medieval. Vital to the modern is not just the secularization of a previously sacred realm, upon which scholars have concentrated, but the sacralization of the mundane, pointed to by Foucault. The agent of modernist emancipation is a hypostatized sovereign Agent. The medievals engaged in certain practices which were supposed to embody a transcendent God in the human world and lead them to a celestial paradise. the moderns, silently transposing that god intoa foundational reason, assert that its manifesation in enlightened institutios will take them to a utopia which is none other than the surreptitious imporatation of the medieval paradise on earth. Imperial progresses and religious processions were, I argue, the foremost paractices by which medieval polities embodied the transcendent and attained to heaven. Modern polities, While treating them as mere ‘rituals’, have sublimated those very practices into an abstract material progress emanating from the economic practices of the entire nation represented as a vehicle on the move. Developed countries represented themselves, after recovering from World War II, as already moving at a fast clip and as living in a productionist and consumerist utopia. Underdeveloped countries like India, considered medieval, were represented as only beginning to move. They were to transfrom themselves into modern utopias through central planning andmassive projects such as dam building.     

Structure and Strategies: Two Faces of Civic Activism in India

Abstract

This paper explains the success of civic actors in achieving their aims by reference to their organizational structure. Based on a comparison of a religious nationalist movement and a women's movement in South Asia, I argue that organizational structure is closely linked to the success of a social movement. The lack of coordination and collaboration among women's groups in terms of mission and strategy has led to a perception of the overall movement as weak and marginal. The superior coordination of strategy and mission within the religious nationalist movement have allowed it to effectively use its resources to cause great changes in Indian society.