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451.
Abstract: Demirjian’s grading of tooth calcification is widely used to assess age of individuals with developing dentitions. However, its application on numerous populations has resulted in wide variations in age estimates and consequent suggestions for the method’s adaptation to the local sample. Conventionally, Demirjian’s method utilized seven mandibular teeth on the left side. A recent modification incorporated the third molar with a view to apply the method on a wider age‐group. Moreover, the revised method developed regression formulas for assessing age. This paper tested the 8‐teeth method using 547 Indians (348 females, 199 males) aged 7–25 years. Demirjian’s formulas resulted in inferior age prediction in Indians (9.2% misclassification at 99% confidence interval vs. 0% misclassification in the original study); therefore, India‐specific regression formulas were developed, which gave better age estimates (mean absolute error, MAE = 0.87 years) than the original formulas (MAE = 1.29 years). This suggests that Demirjian’s 8‐teeth method also needs adaptation prior to use in diverse populations.  相似文献   
452.
This article argues that the ‘rule of law’ has become a central goal in popular struggles the world over, and it is citizenship struggles which infuse the rule of law with substantive, as against a thin procedural, meaning. This is especially true in post-colonial societies like India, with a tradition of inherited colonial law designed for subject-hood rather than citizenship, growing inequality which affects both the enactment and interpretation of law, and the violation of law by those who are meant to protect it. Demanding implementation of existing laws, breaking laws that are patently unjust whether through armed struggle or non-violent social movements, or seeking to change laws in favour of new and more democratic laws, are all major avenues by means of which people express their aspirations as citizens. However, law's mutually constitutive relation with social practice means that people enter into political and legal negotiations already constituted as certain kinds of legal subjects, which constrains their imagination in certain ways.  相似文献   
453.
The use of third molars in predicting juvenile/adult status (</≥ 18 years) has important legal ramifications. Third molar development was assessed using Köhler's grading on 268 orthopantomograms of Indian subjects. Logistic regression analysis was applied to determine allocation accuracy of juvenile/adult status and the level of probability that is “reliable” in predicting juvenile/adult status. Allocation accuracies ranged between 75.8% and 78.2% for the sexes combined, with minimal male‐female differences. Adults were categorized more accurately than juveniles, suggesting that Köhler's grading puts Indian juveniles at greater risk of unwarranted punishment. In both sexes, juvenile/adult status was “reliably” predicted when the probability was >80% using individual third molars (excepting the lower right third molar in males); combining upper and lower third molars on the left/right sides, “reliable” predictions were possible when the probability was >80% and >90% for females and males, respectively. Overall, “reliable” juvenile/adult status prediction was achieved in c. 36% of subjects.  相似文献   
454.
ABSTRACT

Tarr analyses the representation of Islam in five feature films made since 2006 that centre on the changing identities of Muslims in contemporary France. She locates the films within the context of the rise in Islamophobia in France following 9/11 and anxieties about immigration and terrorism, but also in relation to France's troubled postcolonial history and French republican ideology. In particular, the French notion of laïcité (secularism) has given rise to active hostility to any public expression of religious or cultural difference, particularly on the part of Muslims. Cinematic representations of Muslims, and particularly of the children of migrants from the Maghreb, have, therefore, since the mid-1980s, been treated with caution in order not to alienate mainstream Franco-French audiences and to facilitate the second generation's integration into French society. However, the five feature films addressed here—two mainstream popular comedies, Mauvaise foi/Bad Faith (2006) and L'Italien/The Italian (2010), and three independent, low budget, auteur-led, realist films, Dans la vie/Two Ladies (2008), Dernier maquis (2008) and La Désintégration/Disintegration (2012)—offer new narratives that challenge fears of Islam by foregrounding the protagonists' negotiation of their Muslim identities in a French context and, by implication, argue for the integration of Islam as a legitimate referent of French identity. However, their construction of Islam does not extend to positive representations of young veiled women, and they thus still risk confirming the oppressive majority view that certain practices associated with Islam, such as the wearing of the veil, are incompatible with the secularism of the French Republic.  相似文献   
455.
正Following a series of African leaders conferences in the EU,China,India,and Japan,the U.S.held the fi rst U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit in Washington D.C.from August 4 to6.The high-level meeting saw the announcement of a US$33billion-investment in Africa,in sectors such as construction,clean energy,banking,and information technology,to propel economic and trade relations between the U.S.and African countries.Meanwhile,the U.S.laid down plans to catch up with Europe and China in terms of infl uence in Africa in sectors such as infrastructure and production.  相似文献   
456.
南海问题虽然是中国与某些东南亚国家之间的双边海上领土争议,但其域外影响因素却正在发酵。除由来已久的美国因素外,印度——一个有着地区大国抱负的南亚国家——的影响日益显现。自上个世纪90年代印度制定并实施东向政策以来,南海地区被界定为与印度国家战略和经济发展密切相关的延伸区域。近年来,印度在南海海域加大了战略投入,通过加强与东南亚海上国家的经济、政治和军事联系,积极介入南海问题。未来印度在南海问题中的作用变化值得进一步关注和评估。  相似文献   
457.
What role do weaker actors play in determining the outcomes of irregular wars? The literature on counterinsurgency outcomes has tended to explain weak-side victory either as a result of informational asymmetries caused by constraints on counterinsurgent forces, or as a result of suboptimal strategic choices by the state. We suggest that this underplays the role of insurgents themselves; we attempt to “bring the insurgents back in,” giving variation in insurgent polity a role in explaining their own victories and defeats. In order to do so, we focus inductively on a relatively novel pool of cases: Great Britain's wars in India from the mid-eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries. Doing so allows us to hold the counterinsurgent side constant while evaluating variance among the insurgents themselves. We find that variance on the insurgent side is indeed significant in determining outcomes, and suggest possible reasons why this occurs.  相似文献   
458.
承认双重国籍:印度国籍立法的重大变化   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
贾海涛  盖蕾 《河北法学》2005,23(9):121-124
印度由坚持单一国籍的政策转为承认双重国籍,目的是为了借力海外,吸引海外印度人(印度侨民和外籍印度人)的资金和技术。印度宪法中关于单一国籍的条款的修正得到了印度上下及海外印度人的拥护和支持。不过,印度实行双重国籍的范围却是相当有限的。  相似文献   
459.
Ryan W. French 《圆桌》2019,108(2):121-144
ABSTRACT

India and Pakistan have tempered their rivalry over the years by negotiating many bilateral confidence-building measures (CBMs), but the current patchwork of agreements cannot prevent an act of cross-border terrorism from triggering a major militarised crisis. To help mitigate this shortfall, this article advocates a new conceptual approach towards confidence building that identifies two categories of agreements – negative and positive. Negative CBMs oblige inaction; they can be defined as promises to eschew provocative behaviour, so as to prevent miscalculation and accidental war. Most prominent Indo-Pakistani CBMs fall under this category – examples include agreements on non-attack of nuclear facilities and non-violation of airspace. Positive CBMs, by contrast, oblige action; they entail tangible engagement and cooperation in the military, diplomatic, or economic domains. Examples might include counter-piracy cooperation and the expansion of people-to-people contacts. This article argues that positive CBMs invite reciprocity and are a plausible tool for promoting bilateral goodwill, reducing mistrust, and insulating Indo-Pakistani relations from shocks.  相似文献   
460.
ABSTRACT

Rather than studying young men's career- and/or economic-based aspirations, this article explores the obstacles that hinder youths of both sexes in gerontocratic southern Tajikistan and North India from developing the capacity to make their own life choices. Focusing mainly on the selection of marital partner and largely on women, I explore the narratives of those who have never even dreamed of a good life, of others who have dreamed but been unable to actualize their dreams, of a few who have started to plan the way forward, and of a tiny number who actually managed to achieve their aspirations, teasing out the influences that facilitate this. I suggest that even educated youths with some control over their public lives are constricted by their family relations and that it requires quite specific support to defy one’s family, which can create significant vulnerabilities in settings with no other safety net.  相似文献   
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