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51.
LETTERS     
正When I was a teen,I saw for the fi rst time a Tang Dynasty clay fi gure of a person with dark skin and curly hair that was obviously not of Chinese ethnicity.Such people were referred to as Kunlun servants(as they worked as domestic help for the aristocracy),but actually came from beyond the mountain range of the same name that traverses Xinjiang and Tibet.Scientists are divided on their origins–Africa,India,Southeast or South Asia.These early migrants traveled to China with foreign diplomats and merchants via the Silk Road,testifying to extensive people-to-people,cultural and economic exchanges between China and the rest of the world more than1,000 years ago,facilitated by the ancient route.  相似文献   
52.
Migration becomes not only a means of survival but also and above all an impulse for the dispersal and "gathering together" of people, capital, information, and skills in new social configurations.  相似文献   
53.
印度转基因食品立法研究   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
印度作为最大的发展中国家之一,近些年转基因作物商业种植发展迅速,然而立法却相对滞后,呈现出起步晚、法律层级低和零散的局面。为改善该局面,印度政府近些年积极准备出台统一的转基因食品立法,在立法理念上突出对环境安全和人类健康保护,肯定预防原则、实行强制标签制度并强化责任和监管体制,为其它发展中国家提供了一定的参考和借鉴。  相似文献   
54.
Ian Hall 《圆桌》2016,105(3):271-286
This article examines India’s emerging approach to foreign policy: multialignment. It argues that since the mid-2000s India has developed multialignment as a means of achieving what it perceives as its core interests and ideals in international relations. Characterised by an emphasis on engagement in regional multilateral institutions, the use of strategic partnerships, and what is termed ‘normative hedging’, multialignment is being utilised to boost India’s economic development and national security, as well as to project influence and promote its values. The article traces the emergence of this strategy during the governments of Manmohan Singh and its implementation and extension by the new government of Narendra Modi. It analyses the key arguments that have been presented in its favour and the ways in which it was been put into practice. It concludes with a brief assessment of multialignment as a strategy, as well as the prospect that it will deliver the dividends expected by India’s foreign policy elite.  相似文献   
55.
Anatomical crania are occasionally encountered in forensic anthropology laboratories when that material is mistaken for forensically significant human remains. Using craniometric analyses and statistical measures of sample homogeneity, we determine whether anatomical material can be described as a single, homogenous group or as a diverse mix of populations. Twenty‐one interlandmark distances were collected from 85 anatomical preparations. Distance measures were calculated between all pairs using a pooled within‐sample variance/covariance matrix and then subjected to a Defrise‐Gussenhoven test between each paired distance to test whether each pair was drawn randomly from the same population. In the Defrise‐Gussenhoven analysis, twenty‐two percent (n = 66) of the 300 pairwise combinations were significant at the 0.05 level or below. The level of homogeneity suggests a majority of that material originated from the subcontinent of India or West Asia. Therefore, anatomical material can be viewed as a moderately homogenous group, but with a shared taphonomic history.  相似文献   
56.
Arijit Mazumdar 《圆桌》2017,106(1):37-46
This article examines India’s policy towards Pakistan since Narendra Modi became prime minister. At certain times, India has engaged in talks with Pakistan on various bilateral issues. At other times, it has adopted a hardline approach and canceled talks, stating that Pakistan had not demonstrated any sincerity in wanting to end cross-border terrorism against India. Modi’s critics have described his ‘on–off’ talks policy on Pakistan as flawed, confused and visionless. Is Modi’s Pakistan policy riddled with inconsistencies? Why has he not displayed the same pragmatism that is evident in his other diplomatic engagements when it comes to Pakistan? What explains his hardline approach? This paper argues that reconciliation with Pakistan remains a challenge due to persistent issues that adversely affect ties, namely the Pakistan army’s influence over the country’s foreign policy and meager bilateral economic ties. Expectations of a breakthrough in relations under the circumstances appear bleak. From the perspective of the Modi administration, adopting a cautious approach and maintaining a tough line, i.e. calibrating talks with action on cross-border terrorism by Islamabad, appears to be the more pragmatic option in the short term.  相似文献   
57.
新时期印度海权战略的确立不是一蹴而就的。经过长期的酝酿与积淀,21世纪初新时期印度海权战略最终确立。它集印度洋“区域控制”和向周边大洋“远洋延伸”为一体,以建立世界级“海权国”为终极目标。新时期印度海权战略有两大思想根源:其一是源于印度地理和历史的强烈海权意识,其二是马汉海权论影响下的潘尼迦海权思想。  相似文献   
58.
为垄断香料贸易,葡萄牙政府创设以果阿副王廷为中心的印度公司,通过副王廷的各种机构建制,对管理包括防务和交易在内的东方事务,进行司法和行政控制。  相似文献   
59.
60.
欧盟作为世界上最大的经济体,为印度的经济发展提供了广阔的市场及发展空间,印度很重视发展与欧盟的关系,尤其是经济关系;而印度作为一个发展潜力极大的发展中国家,自然资源、人力资源极为丰富,欧盟同样需要进一步加强与印度的贸易关系。目前双方的贸易关系进展平稳,但也存在不可避免的挑战,特别是欧盟东扩后,双边贸易关系的前景面临着更多的变数。  相似文献   
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