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排序方式: 共有610条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
251.
One way to unwind mass incarceration without compromising public safety is to use risk assessment instruments in sentencing and corrections. Although these instruments figure prominently in current reforms, critics argue that benefits in crime control will be offset by an adverse effect on racial minorities. Based on a sample of 34,794 federal offenders, we examine the relationships among race, risk assessment [the Post Conviction Risk Assessment (PCRA)], and future arrest. First, application of well‐established principles of psychological science revealed little evidence of test bias for the PCRA—the instrument strongly predicts arrest for both Black and White offenders, and a given score has essentially the same meaning—that is, the same probability of recidivism—across groups. Second, Black offenders obtain higher average PCRA scores than do White offenders (d = .34; 13.5 percent nonoverlap in groups’ scores), so some applications could create disparate impact. Third, most (66 percent) of the racial difference in PCRA scores is attributable to criminal history—which is already embedded in sentencing guidelines. Finally, criminal history is not a proxy for race, but instead it mediates the relationship between race and future arrest. Data are more helpful than rhetoric if the goal is to improve practice at this opportune moment in history. 相似文献
252.
Amy McMaster Hawes M.D. Karen E. Chancellor M.D. William R. Rogers Ph.D. M.P.H. Jennifer A. Ledford M.A. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(3):666-670
Firearm injuries are a leading cause of violent death in Tennessee. This study was designed to compare the demographic and epidemiologic features of fatal firearm injuries in Shelby County and Davidson County, Tennessee between 2009 and 2012. We identified 1081 gunshot fatalities for the study period in these two counties. Shelby County had a higher overall, age‐adjusted gunshot mortality rate, a higher male age‐adjusted gunshot mortality rate, and a higher age‐adjusted gunshot homicide rate than Davidson. Age groups 25–34 years and 35–44 years had higher crude mortality rates for gunshot deaths in Shelby County than Davidson County. Both counties had higher age‐adjusted gunshot mortality rates for black males than white males, higher homicide rate for black race than white, and higher suicide rate for white race than black. Homicide was the most common manner of death, and handguns were the most common type of firearm used in both counties. 相似文献
253.
254.
Timothy Seidel 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(9):1644-1660
In his 1966 essay ‘A Report from Occupied Territory’, James Baldwin wrote that ‘occupied territory is occupied territory, even though it be found in that New World which the Europeans conquered’. Though written 50 years ago, Baldwin’s observations continue to resonate, indicating historical trends across geographical experiences affected by the legacy of colonialism. A growing theme in development and peace building studies relates to a kind of boundary crossing that sees academics and activists drawing linkages across spatial and temporal divides. The situation in Palestine–Israel has taken an increasingly central role in mobilising transnational solidarities that cross such boundaries. By examining James Baldwin’s analysis of Harlem’s ‘occupation’ – as well as drawing from a range of voices such as Achille Mbembe, Frantz Fanon, Edward Said, Toni Morrison and Laleh Khalili – this paper will explore the shared experiences of racism, colonialism, military occupation and dispossession that separate and divide, and the possibilities for transnational solidarities that defy those separations. 相似文献
255.
This article unpacks the contemporary relationship among racial, cultural, and civic notions of the concept of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua Minzu 中华民族), specifically examining Han (汉), Hua (华), and Zhongguo (中国) as categories representative of each identity marker. It examines the relationship between Han and Chinese identities and how people from multiple ethnic identities relate to the idea of the Chinese nation. Han identity is often fused with the larger Chinese identity that in the past conflated the two, sometimes leading to Han chauvinism and a problematic relationship with the state for non‐Han people. Government orthodoxy that emphasizes civic harmony and minimizes national distinction is challenged by exclusive ethnic and racial conceptions. A classical cultural understanding of Chinese identity may be more inclusive yet is undermined by the ongoing territorializing of Chinese nationalism and myth making of Chinese identity in ethno‐national rhetoric. 相似文献
256.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(1):58-72
ABSTRACT This article was developed from a paper presented at the Unesco World Philosophy Day Symposium hosted by the University of South Africa, 21 November 2006, under the theme ‘Philosophy and 159 years of Africa's Independence.’ It explores the subject through the prism of African humanity from the perspectives of Western philosophy, traditional African philosophy and contemporary African philosophy, exposing the weaknesses of each in their treatment of the African. Throughout, the article endeavours to deconstruct the elitist self-image of the discipline and concludes by questioning the utility of philosophy in enhancing development in modern Africa. 相似文献
257.
《African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal》2013,6(1):39-54
With increased transnational ties to their homelands, immigrants' ontology now verges on being double – and, consequently, on seeing double – most of the time. This double consciousness, and the attendant dearth of fixity in identity among immigrants, has led some to wonder where the allegiance of minority immigrants, in particular, lies. Can these immigrants be loyal to both their ethno-racial identity and their host national identity? Is the identification with one's ethno-racial background and national identity a zero-sum game in which one side of the loyalty equation gains only at the expense of the other? This study examines these issues, using African immigrants (specifically, Ghanaians and Somalis) in Canada as a case study. In particular, we use multinomial logistic regression to predict the factors that prompt these immigrants to identify as: ‘just Canadians’, ‘just Ghanaians/Somalis’, or as ‘Ghanaian-/Somali-Canadians’. The study is significant not only because of the lack of research on African immigrants' identity formation in Canada, but also because immigrants' identity has significant bearing on their settlement and integration in host societies. 相似文献
258.
Yanna Krupnikov 《政治交往》2013,30(1):152-173
This article examines the impact of candidate race and campaign negativity on candidate evaluations and turnout. Unlike previous research, we argue that candidate race and campaign negativity should be considered simultaneously. In order to test this argument, we conduct a survey experiment of a nationally representative sample of White adults and a replication study. While we find, consistent with previous research, that respondents unfavorably evaluate candidates who decide to sponsor a negative ad, there are two important exceptions to this pattern: When the ad sponsor is Black, among White respondents who view Blacks negatively, the penalty for going negative is disproportionately large, while among White respondents who view Blacks positively, the penalty for going negative is disproportionately small. More generally, our findings suggest that the effects of candidate attributes and campaign strategy on voter behavior should not be considered in isolation, as they are mutually reinforcing. 相似文献
259.
《Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice》2013,11(3):5-22
Abstract The size of the Hispanic population in the United States has grown to the point that they now comprise the largest minority group. While much research has been conducted to explore the effects of race and ethnicity on various aspects of the criminal justice system, most of these studies focus on African Americans. The purpose of this study is to assess the representation of Hispanics in criminal justice literature and to summarize the findings. The results suggest that while many studies contained Hispanic subjects, few articles focused specifically on His-panics and fewer articles focused on Hispanic women. When analyzed separately, Hispanics were found to be statistically different from other groups. Much of the Hispanic-focused research centered on drug use, gang involvement, and violence. Given the size and growth of this important group, criminologists must consciously recognize and proactively seek to include the views and experiences of Hispanics in their research. 相似文献
260.
《Journal of Gender Studies》2012,21(3):279-289
Foodwork and women's primary responsibility for foodwork have long been interpreted by feminist scholars as a site of gender oppression for women; yet the gendered meanings of foodwork are complicated when race, diaspora and ethnic identity are also taken into account. This article examines the meaning of food and foodwork for Goan women in Toronto, Canada, and the role of food in creating and maintaining distinctly gendered ethnic identities. Catholic Goan identity, born from Portuguese colonization of an area in what is now Western India, has few unique markers of ethnic distinction from other Indians. In this context Goan cuisine takes on a particular symbolic significance. In this qualitative study with first-generation Canadian Goan women (N = 13) the gendered role of women in foodwork was seen as having particular power or ‘currency’ within the family and community, valued for fostering and supporting Goan identity. We argue that the same foodwork practices that constitute gendered oppression for women may simultaneously confer a form of ‘culinary capital’ within the social arena of their own diasporic community. 相似文献