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991.
考察陈垣先生何以能够取得卓越学术成就的一个新维度,就是深入分析他如何在时代推动下吸收新的智慧,不断开拓奋进。我们从其青年时期如何勤奋学习和矢志追求,从其既善于继承传统,又勇于超越,从其在抗战时期如何提倡并实践“有意义之史学”等方面,都能发掘出丰富的内涵,从而大大推进我们对这位史学大师何以成功地为新历史考证学创辟新境的认识。通过梳理和剖析陈垣先生学术风范的时代蕴涵,我们能够更加清楚地认识其留给后人的宝贵思想遗产——严谨求真精神、开拓创新精神和使命担当精神,从而激励我们奋发努力,不断把学术工作向前推进。  相似文献   
992.
唯物史观是马克思毕生最为重要的发现,它是马克思分析社会经济问题的重要“武器”,也是马克思从事政治经济学研究的重要范式。在对“经济事实”进行经验抽象的古典范式和对“经济行为”展开主体想象的思辨范式的积极扬弃中,马克思确立了唯物史观的研究范式并借此展开了对“物质的生活关系”的科学解剖。以唯物史观为内在思维方式,马克思科学地确定了政治经济学的研究对象、研究方法、研究内容和研究任务,并深刻回应了困扰人类已久的“历史之谜”。由此,马克思政治经济学在本质上才堪称“一门历史的科学”,马克思“历史科学家”的称号也才名副其实。在新时代,中国特色社会主义政治经济学要继续秉承唯物史观的研究范式。立足“中国大地”,以当代“中国事实”为逻辑起点;解释“中国道路”,以回应“中国问题”为理论任务;体现“中国特色”,以“社会主义”为发展原则;服务“中国人民”,以引领“时代潮流”为责任担当。以此为基础,“把论文写在祖国大地上”,不断开辟中国特色社会主义政治经济学的新境界。  相似文献   
993.
Abstract

This article addresses the controversies surrounding the repatriation of Ainu human remains ‘unethically’ collected by Japanese researchers and stored in university institutions throughout the twentieth century. Some 1653 Ainu remains are held at Japanese universities, and Ainu rights advocates have demanded the return of these remains to their lineal descendants. In 2009, the Japanese government proposed to transfer all unidentified Ainu remains from universities to a memorial hall to be built in Shiraoi, Hokkaido, by 2020. This plan was met by disdain by Ainu advocates for two reasons. First: there was concern that Japanese academics would continue to do research on the remains. Second: the Ainu wished for the remains to be laid to rest in the burial grounds they were originally excavated from. This article discusses the repatriation policies initiated by the Japanese national government, how Ainu representatives have responded, and the ethical debate that surrounds the use of the Ainu remains for research. The article closes by looking at how the conciliation agreement in the legal case by Ainu plaintiffs against Hokkaido University in 2012 for the return of Ainu remains opened up possibilities for community members to petition for the return of ancestral remains for reinternment.  相似文献   
994.
当前劳动关系研究面临发展困境,分散的多学科研究状态引发学者反思。反思的重点在于劳动关系研究领域能否构建整合式研究范式以及多学科研究视角对进一步发展劳动关系研究的影响。研究发现:劳动关系的多学科研究状态对劳动关系研究的兴起、发展具有重要意义,所谓的整合式研究范式不适宜劳动关系研究领域;劳动关系的多学科研究视角能够为解释、解决现实劳动与雇佣关系问题提供多样化的思路和多种规制方案,有助于劳动关系研究不断取得新的发展。  相似文献   
995.
In terms of gamification within political science, some fields—particularly international relations and American politics—have received more attention than others. One of the most underserved parts of the discipline is research methods; a course that, coincidentally, is frequently cited as one that instructors hate to teach and students hate to take. Given the well-documented merits of games in promoting student engagement and the key role of methods as a building block to student understanding of political science, this article attempts to rectify this oversight by introducing three games—Zendo, Murder Mystery, and the Archeologist’s Quandary— geared at teaching key concepts and approaches in research methods.  相似文献   
996.
Using the debate over democratization and conflict, we demonstrate how the connection between conceptualization and operationalization can play a decisive role in testing falsifiable hypotheses. We discuss seven different operationalizations of regime change based on three different conceptualizations of democracy. Although we find high correlations between different measures of democracy, when they are used to capture regime change, the correlations drop precipitously. In multivariate estimations of the effect of regime change on a range of conflict variables, we generate widely disparate results, providing no consistent support that democratization affects conflict. We thus demonstrate that decisions about conceptualization and subsequent operationalization have decisive impact on the inference we produce. In contrast, our controls for the effect of institutionalized democracy consistently show a negative relationship between joint democracy and conflict. Finally, autocratic regime change seems to be more robustly correlated with a range of conflict behaviors than heretofore recognized in this literature.  相似文献   
997.
This article argues that an important political marketplace of keywords expands in social media around campaign events such as a debate; that rhetorical efforts to define the situation in which a campaign event occurs are met in this marketplace by user responses that more or less echo the keywords, thereby enhancing or diminishing the political power of their “caller” or speaker; and that social media monitoring platforms can enhance our understanding of public opinion influence competitions among candidates through the careful selection, tabulation, and inspection of words and phrases being voiced. In the case at hand, an analysis of Twitter volume data and a reading of a sample of 1200 tweets between July 30 and August 15, 2015, a period enveloping the first 2016 Republican presidential candidate debate on August 6, 2015, helps us understand how Donald J. Trump escaped political punishment from party and media elites for subverting Republican and U.S. norms of candidate behavior. Elite voices greatly disapproved of Trump’s debate performance and conduct, a traditional augury of declining public support. But the presence of social media voices enhanced Trump’s capacity to succeed with an insurgent marketing strategy, one he would continue into his election as president fifteen months later. Specifically, comparatively high user volume on a debate-oriented section of Twitter (i.e., posts with the hashtag #GOPDebate) for Trump’s name, slogan, and Twitter address, and for such advantageous keywords as “political correctness,” “Megyn Kelly,” and “illegal immigration” relative to terms and phrases favoring other candidates and Republicans as a whole indicates the presence of heavy and active popular support for Trump. The contents of the corresponding tweet sample exhibit Twitter-savvy techniques and populist stances by which the Trump campaign solicited that support: celebrity feuding, callouts to legacy media allies, featured fan comments, a blunt vernacular, and confrontational branding. The contents also illustrate ways in which users manifested their support: from the aforementioned high keyword volume to imitative behavior and the supplying of evidence to verify Trump’s contested claims during the debate.  相似文献   
998.
999.
Contrarily to most studies of the antecedents of public service motivation (PSM) focusing on the proximal work environment or personal characteristics, we seek to explore plausibly important deep antecedents of PSM that lie in the formative years of a person’s upbringing. Using an online survey of public service professionals that asked detailed background questions, we find that three deep antecedents are associated with lower overall PSM and its constitutive elements: growing up in a religious family, growing up in a family with a conservative point of view, and (surprisingly) being raised by a parent who served in the military.  相似文献   
1000.
In response to the urban crisis of the early 1990s, the government-sponsored enterprise known as Fannie Mae used what would become the Annual Housing Conference (AHC) to influence urban and housing policy. This article traces the history of the AHC in relation to Housing Policy Debate as part of a concerted effort of Fannie Mae to invest in and upgrade the quality of urban and housing policy research during the 1990s. The impact of these conferences on the policy community in universities, Washington DC, the states, and indeed the world is analyzed by highlighting some of work that came out of the more influential conferences including the 1991 Homeless Conference, the 1994 Access to Opportunity Conference, and the 1997 Social Capital Conference. The article is concluded with an appraisal of the AHC’s legacy.  相似文献   
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