Education for whom? Engineering multiculturalism and liberal peace in post-conflict Kosovo

ABSTRACT

This paper traces the changing relationship between the state and its education system at the intersection of diverging visions and agendas of local and international actors in post-war Kosovo in the period 1999–2014. Specifically, it explores why and how externally driven reforms that carry the ideals of an inclusive multi-ethnic polity clashed with domestic actors’ visions of education as a locus of national resistance and independent statehood. To critically inquire into the direction of education reforms in the post-war context, the empirical part of the analysis identifies critical historical junctures through which these competing ideas and relevant actors changed and/or gained traction. Accordingly, the paper focuses mainly on the post-war period, but also considers the pre-war period in order to highlight the predominant vision of local actors on the roles of education, its intertwinement with unfolding conflicts, and its central role in processes of state formation and nation-building, in particular in a post-war context. The analysis is based on genealogical historical narrative, textual analysis of key official documents related to the education sector in Kosovo, and semi-structured interviews conducted in Pristina in November 2013 and October 2016. The analysis demonstrates that the role of education in post-war Kosovo reflects tension between multicultural ideals promoted by international actors, on the one hand, and nationalist, often exclusive concerns of local actors embedded in an unfinished and contested process of state- and nation-building, on the other hand. The paper finds that by over-emphasizing equal collective rights, extensive autonomy for the different communities and ethnic-based decentralized governance, international actors have unwillingly contributed to further education separation along ethnic lines.     

可行性及其路径

在中国周边次区域中，东北亚地区安全困境最为严重，而该地区对于中国实现和平稳定与发展繁荣具有重大意义。具备区域合作重要属性的“一带一路”倡议能有效缓解安全困境。东北亚地区之所以成为“一带一路”倡议的缺口，主要由于朝鲜半岛紧张局势高居高不下、美国因素的负面影响、中日竞争关系的影响存在，这些因素的根源又是该地区的“安全困境”。将东北亚地区逐步纳入“一带一路”能在一定程度上缓解该地区的安全困境，并为深化东北亚区域合作提供新的动力，两者有望形成良性循环。俄罗斯、蒙古国和韩国对中国的“一带一路”倡议态度积极，朝鲜也表现出一定的兴趣，日本和美国态度复杂，但已经很难置身度外。在推动东北亚地区纳入“一带一路”倡议时，需先从双边合作入手，争取各国均加入到“一带一路”倡议和亚洲基础设施投资银行；然后扩大到中日韩、中俄朝和中朝韩三边合作；进而扩大到多边范围，在亚洲基础设施投资银行下设立“东北亚建设资金”，专注于东北亚项目投资；。同时激活和利用大图们江开发计划和长吉图国家发展战略。     

Disciplined and undisciplined repression: illicit economies and state violence in Central Asia’s autocracies

What explains the use of disciplined repression in some autocratic regimes and undisciplined repression in others? Despite its relevance to these broader debates on authoritarianism, this question remains inadequately explained in conventional approaches to repression. This article proposes that autocrats’ discipline over the use of state repression is a consequence of their differential control over illicit commercial networks. Autocratic regimes that consolidate their control over rents become dependent on security apparatuses to deepen and maintain that control. These regimes invest in and support the development of coercive capabilities, which leads to more disciplined state repression. Where autocratic regimes do not control illicit networks and rents, their dependence on security offices is low. Consequently, their investment in coercive capacity suffers, giving rise to patterns of undisciplined repression. This article explores the empirical implications of these regime trajectories through a controlled comparison of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, two drug transit states in post-Soviet Eurasia whose coercive institutions and patterns of state violence have developed in markedly different ways.     

“We need more clips about Putin,and lots of them:” Russia’s state-commissioned online visual culture

In this article, we examine how the Putin government is attempting to respond and adapt to the YouTube phenomenon and the vibrant oppositional online visual culture on Runet. We show how these processes are giving rise to new forms of state propaganda, shaped and driven above all by the quest for high-ranking search-engine results and the concomitant desire to appeal to the perceived new sensibilities of the Internet generation through the commissioning and production of “viral videos.” We focus in particular on the videos created by Iurii Degtiarev, a pioneer in the development of this genre, whose works we explore in light of the “Kremlingate” email leaks, which offer inside information on the strategies and aims being pursued on the online visual front of the campaign to manage the Russian mediascape, and Degtiarev’s own reflections on this subject. Examining the output of young creatives patronized by the Kremlin offers a “bottom-up” view to supplement studies of the Russian ideological and media landscape as shaped by “political technologists” such as Vladislav Surkov and Gleb Pavlovskii.     

Austere State Strategies: Regenerating for Recovery and the Resignification of Regeneration

Through this paper, I seek to draw attention an apparent fundamental resignification of regeneration that has been taking shape over recent times. Conceptually, I engage with political economy theory in order to examine how élite economic interests have resignified the nature of state articulations of regeneration. The argument is developed that this implies a profound subversion of more marginal socio-economic interests traditionally at the heart of regeneration interventions or at least the customary ‘targets’ of such policy. Empirically, the analysis draws upon interviews conducted with those operating at the coalface of policy, politics and practice, augmented by my practical experience of the English regeneration milieu. Documenting the contested evolution of policy practice during what I term the ‘regenerating for recovery’ phase, I investigate the interactions and interconnections between meanings, modes and scales of practice. This analysis helps to demonstrate dual aspects of the resignification of regeneration as both cause and condition that has effectively legitimated and been legitimised by an austere state strategy.     

Performing statehood: Afghanistan as an arena for Central Asian states

Afghanistan is often mentioned as a threat to the Central Asian states. Potential spillovers of violence, extremism, terrorism and dangers related to the drug trade are seen as significant security issues for the region. This article takes a different approach. Taking a performative view of statehood, we see state identities as socially constituted, partly by involvement in regional and global processes. From research on border management, the Northern Distribution Network, and various forms of bilateral cooperation between Afghanistan and the Central Asian states, we argue that Afghanistan has become an arena where the Central Asian states can participate. How the Central Asian states bordering on Afghanistan are treated as relevant participants, regardless of actual state capacity or the effectiveness of their policies, serves to constitute and confirm their sovereignty and relevance to the international community, and ultimately their statehood. By emphasizing the important state effects of their performance, our perspective differs from accounts of Central Asian states as either ‘weak’ or ‘strong’, and the tendency to depict Central Asian engagement in regional initiatives as mere window-dressing.     

我国地方政府债务形成机制及风险防范机制研究

近年来，我国地方政府债务持续累积。所孕育的财政和金融风险不断放大。我国地方债务形成既有其深刻的内在体制性原因，又有外在的媒介性平台。因此，建立地方债务风险防范机制，抑制地方债务过度膨胀，是有效化解债务风险的重要途径。     

关于《钦定回疆则例》研究的几个问题

目前关于《回疆则例》的研究还存在一些问题,比较突出的有:在法规的名称方面,有《回律》以及《回例》等不确切的称呼,它们使《回疆则例》的性质、适用范围及对象产生了一种不确定性;在法规的性质方面,有学者将其当作刑事法规,也有学者认为《回疆则例》是回疆少数民族之间民事案件的司法审判依据,在法规性质的认定上仍然是值得商榷的;在法规内容的理解方面,就个别条款而言,缺乏对条款历史背景的考察与探究。这些问题的存在一定程度地影响了《回疆则例》研究的深入。     

坚持马克思主义坚持社会主义--越南、朝鲜、古巴、老挝社会主义的探索与发展

文章对越南、朝鲜、古巴和老挝社会主义革命和建设,特别是冷战结束后,各国社会主义成功经验进行了论述,指出,只要顺应时代的发展,并结合本国实际,坚持社会主义,坚持党的领导,坚持改革开放,社会主义就能焕发无限生机.     

论八二宪法中的央地关系

八二宪法第3条第4款实际上并未规定中央与地方关系的具体规范模式,而更多体现为一种探索性的政治理念。中国独特的人民主权运作结构使得宪制意义上的央地关系与经典的命令—服从式单一制特征相区别。在具体制度框架中存在着集权与分权的张力,其着眼点在于如何更好地进行现代化建设这一国家理性。制度设计者对央地关系思考并不成熟,国家结构形式有待实践探索。