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811.
目的应用衰减全反射傅里叶变换红外(attenuated total reflection-Fourier transform infrared,ATRFTIR)光谱技术分析长白猪死后肋软骨和肋骨组织随死亡时间推移的化学降解过程,为死后较长时间段内推断死亡时间提供可行的新途径和方法。方法猪放血处死后取肋软骨和肋骨离体置于20℃环境,后每72 h提取部分组织样本,进行ATR-FTIR光谱分析,并与对应死亡时间点进行相关性分析。结果随死亡时间的延长,肋软骨与肋骨FTIR的主要吸收峰峰位没有发生明显变化,而其部分峰强比出现了不同时序性的变化趋势,并与死亡时间存在良好的相关性,肋软骨较肋骨组织有更好的时序性。结论应用ATRFTIR光谱技术发现死后猪肋软骨和肋骨组织光谱学变化存在一定的规律性,有望成为基于光谱学推断死亡时间的一种新途径。  相似文献   
812.
"为了满足受众对信息交流的需求,网络视频传播的功能也越来越丰富,近年来一种新型的视频交流方式——弹幕也开始迈上主流社交平台。弹幕视频具有信息反馈的即时性与瞬时性、信息表达的多样性和内容的碎片化的特征,其对传统的传播模式带来的创新,主要体现在反馈渠道和受众对内容的二次创作中,并且弹幕视频的传播也为受众构建了一个新的公共话语空间。弹幕作为新型的视频传播形式,一路高歌猛进,但在其发展过程中也频频爆出版权纠纷事件,如何提高受众的观感体验,是未来小众视频网站亟需解决的难题。  相似文献   
813.
This paper takes a discourse–design approach to communication, providing a framework as to how this should be done. Design here is how individuals and institutions realize their interests in the world. We show how it is fruitful to link design more closely to the way discourse has been used in critical studies which draws attention to the motivated use of design, for thinking about design in terms of socio-political context. Due to their affordances, semiotic modes such as photography, graphics, layout, colour, numbers and writing will be deployed and co-articulated. The aim, using a discourse–design approach, is to show how we can best identify the very different affordances of such modes and how they rely on the principled design of a discourse. We illustrate this using examples from management documents at a university which draw on these different affordances in different ways to communicate the same discourse. Through this analysis we see how a neoliberal discourse based on a general design principle of coordination enters everyday practices and become very difficult to challenge.  相似文献   
814.
This paper presents a study of televised political debates based on an integrated model that simultaneously examines verbal and nonverbal communication and their interconnections. An integrative approach yields better explanatory power than a separate analysis of each of these modalities. This model was used to analyze televised debates from Israeli election campaigns and identify consistent discrepancy and nondiscrepancy patterns of behavior of winners and losers. The model also sheds light on gender differences and similarities in a novel perspective of discrepant and nondiscrepant communication styles. A set of propositions on the kinds of behaviors that might be beneficial or detrimental for contenders in a televised debate is provided.  相似文献   
815.
“网播”不是“网络传播”的缩略语,也不包括“网络转播”,而是指通过网络实施的初始非交互式传播。修改前的《著作权法》对广播权的定义移植自《伯尔尼公约》的规定,不能规制“网播”,当时只能对“网播”适用“兜底权利”。《著作权法》修改后,广播权被改造为涵盖以任何技术手段进行非交互式传播的专有权利,可以规制“网播”。其规制范围不限于传播作品创作完成时的原始形态,还包括传播作品的表演和表演的录制品。  相似文献   
816.
数量折扣下经济订货批量的探讨   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文通过对存货全年总成本的分析,阐述了数量折扣下区间内经济订货批量的确定方法,并研究和探讨了确定企业数量折扣下的经济订货批量的一般规律,从而为企业管理者提供存货决策的依据。  相似文献   
817.
聋哑人是一个特殊的群体,与他们交往,不仅需要把握一般的人际交往的心理原则,还要了解他们独特的心理特点,学会使用手语,这样才能更好地与他们进行交流,让他们融入社会,感受到关怀与温暖。  相似文献   
818.
To better understand inappropriate correspondence sent to public officials, 301 letter cases and 99 email cases were randomly selected from the United States Capitol Police investigative case files and compared. Results indicate that letter writers were significantly more likely than emailers to exhibit indicators of serious mental illness (SMI), engage in target dispersion, use multiple methods of contact, and make a problematic approach toward their target. Emailers were significantly more likely than letter writers to focus on government concerns, use obscene language, and display disorganization in their writing. Also, letter writers tended to be significantly older, have more criminal history, and write longer communications. A multivariate model found that disorganization, SMI symptoms, problematic physical approach, and target dispersion significantly differentiated between the correspondence groups. The group differences illuminated by this study reveal that letter writers are engaging in behavior that is higher risk for problematic approach than are emailers.  相似文献   
819.
This paper presents an analysis of Russian data retention regulations. The most controversial point of the Russian data retention requirements is an obligation to keep the content of communications that is untypical for legislation of European and other countries. These regulations that oblige telecom operators and Internet communication services to store the content of communications should come into force on July 1, 2018.The article describes in detail the main components of the data retention mechanism: the triggers for its application, its scope, exemptions and barriers to its enforcement. Attention is paid to specific principles for implementation of content retention requirements based on the concepts of proportionality, reasonableness and effectiveness.Particular consideration is given to the comparative aspects of the Russian data retention legislation and those applying in different countries (mainly EU member states). The article focuses on the differences between the Russian and EU approaches to the question of how to strike a balance between public security interests and privacy. While the EU model of data retention is developing in the context of profound disputes on human rights protection, the Russian model is mostly concentrated on security interests and addresses mainly economic, technological aspects of its implementation.The paper stresses that a range of factors (legal, economic and technological) needs to be taken into account for developing an optimal data retention system. Human rights guarantees play the key role in legitimization of such intrusive measures as data retention. Great attention should be paid to the procedures, precise definitions, specification of entitled authorities and the grounds for access to data, providing legal immunities and privileges, etc. Only this extensive range of legal guarantees can balance intervention effect of state surveillance and justify data retention practices.  相似文献   
820.
The relative importance of selection and incentives is essential for understanding how elections structure politicians’ behavior. I investigate the relative magnitudes of these two effects in the context of US House members’ constituency communication. Consistent with previous research, I find that there is a negative cross‐sectional relationship between electoral security and the intensity of constituency communication. The negative relationship holds in a panel‐data setting where only within‐legislator variation in electoral security is used to identify the effect of electoral security on legislator behavior. Due to the likely presence of myopic voters, the impact of electoral security increases as the election approaches. Point estimates suggest that the total effect is almost entirely driven by incentives, and I am able to reject the hypothesis that the incentive effect is zero at conventional levels of statistical significance.  相似文献   
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