(Ine)quality of life: Lithuanian labor migration to Sweden during the economic crisis and its aftermath, 2008–2013

ABSTRACT

This article connects micro and macro scales of inequality to Lithuanians’ decisions to depart to Sweden during the economic crisis with austerity measures and its aftermath (2008–2013). This period revealed unequal opportunities regarding the quality of life that were largely created by the gradual re-commodification of labor as well as unaddressed income and social inequalities which had existed since the 1990s. Nevertheless, macro inequalities did not directly lead to the exit decision. Rather, this was bound to the individual’s perception of the leaving opportunity and (possible) quality of life for oneself and one’s family across time and space.     

化解过剩产能中的劳动关系风险形成机制与治理研究

去产能过程中企业与劳动者之间将发生密集的劳动关系调整,并可能产生劳资矛盾。针对74家企业1657份员工调查问卷的分析发现,去产能企业群体性劳资冲突风险总体可控,但仍有可能发生。年龄偏大、学历较低、缺乏技能和手艺的职工和非正式工通常采取激烈维权方式,发生劳动关系风险的概率较高。在评估去产能企业劳动关系风险水平的基础上,研究从外部环境、政府行为、企业应对三个角度提出了劳动关系风险发生的诱发性因素和抑制性因素,并提出了治理化解过剩产能中劳动关系风险的相关建议。     

Corporate power,US drug enforcement and the repression of indigenous peoples in Latin America

Abstract

The question that motivates this article is: what are the mechanisms through which the prosecution of the drug war in Latin America lead to human rights repression? In answering this question, I theorise that drug enforcement is a coalition of actors that facilitates domestic and international consensus around prohibition as a mechanism for corporate expansion. Drug war infrastructure financing is likely to facilitate the expansion of corporate investments by resource-seeking industries that require greater land use, which encroaches on the ancestral territories of indigenous peoples. And, in response to indigenous resistance to corporate appropriation of ancestral lands, resource-seeking transnational corporations will collude with private security firms and paramilitary organisations to repress and eliminate indigenous resistance. In the process of accumulating capital in Latin America, transnational corporations, domestic security, and paramilitary organizations are the drug enforcement coalition’s mediators of terror.     

工会组织视角下的新时代和谐劳动关系构建

新时代劳动关系具有党和国家高度重视、建立运行多元复杂、职工技能转型压力提高以及受外 部贸易影响增大等四个方面的典型特征。研究结合新时代背景及工会组织自身特点，提出了工会组织要坚持互 利双赢，坚持素质提升，坚持协商协调，坚持依法构建等四点构建和谐劳动关系的基本思路。     

Jurisgenerative role of auditors in transnational labor governance

This article builds on the model of regulatory intermediaries by incorporating insights from the field of legal hermeneutics about the process through which the meaning of a legal rule emerges. It describes how intermediaries can take on a jurisgenerative role in the development of legal rules through their interpretation of legal rules. This role is demonstrated through an analysis of social audits from Chinese and Vietnamese factories involved in the Fair Labor Association (FLA). The analysis illustrates how the integration of fundamental labor rights into the FLA's private Code of Conduct requires auditors to develop new interpretations of the Freedom of Association as a result of uncertainties and contradictions between legal requirements at various levels, as well as with the FLA's own rules. Through this empirical analysis, the article contributes to the literature by identifying regulatory intermediaries’ jurisgenerative capacities when they monitor fundamental labor rights referenced by private governance instruments. It further highlights why legal and regulatory governance scholars need to consider the transformative effects that transnational private labor governance may have on international labor law.     

中央苏区时期陈云在汀州纠正劳动合同探析

1933年6、7月间,陈云通过对汀州京果业的调查,以京果业为例制定劳动合同样本。通过分析陈云选择汀州京果业作为调查对象的原因;从主观努力和客观机遇两方面探讨陈云在受"左"倾错误影响的中央苏区推动修订《中华苏维埃共和国劳动法》(1931)的原因;分析修改后的《劳动法》对经济影响、对中央领导人认识的改变,同时指出,由于缺乏必要的相关配套政策,修改的《劳动法》作用有限。     

Las élites neoliberales en México: ¿cómo se construye un campo de poder que transforma las prácticas sociales de las élites políticas?

The recomposition of Mexican political elites during the 1980s overlaps with the transformation of a development model that shifted from a basically protectionist and nationalistic model to a neo-liberal and open-oriented one. Such a switch has implied far-reaching changes in the social practices of political elites. Based on a record that contains each high-rank official during the 1988–2014 period, the mechanisms having established a transnational power network crossing from one presidential term to the next are reviewed, as well as those factors that favored the organization of a power field increasingly focused on the border between the national, regional and global spaces. Some of those mechanisms include the international historical context; the creation of working teams with a basically neo-liberal worldview; the trajectories of the high-rank officers; the reforms that have been driven; the fluent transit among public and private positions, and the highly varied relationships established between this group of officials and transnational actors and organizations. It is concluded that the elites’ new social practices do not only hamper and challenge the creation of public goods and autonomous structures with the capacity of planning according to the general interest, but they also encourage institutional depredation.     

Rebeldía en Calama: desafío al orden centralista chileno en un contexto de boom minero

Protests in the mining city of Calama in 2011 represent a milestone in the history of Chilean territorial protest mobilizations. Considering their claims, namely, 5 percent of copper generated profits –the recovery of regional royalties gained in 1955 and 1973 and later revoked by the military dictatorship–, and the nationalization of resources, the Calama's social movement differs from other local and regional collective actions related to contentious representation and nimby (not in my backyard) phenomena. All of these actions were motivated by specific economic reasons, against environmental negative externalities or based on a State-claiming approach (peticionismo). This article is a case study of the Calama movement revolving around three issues: the presence of an individualistic leadership; the existence of two historical identities –the mining and the “ata-cameña” identities–; and the development of inclusion and solidarity mechanisms.     

马克思主义是在自我革命过程中发展的

马克思、恩格斯是彻底的革命者,他们不仅无情地批判资产阶级意识形态和各种机会主义观点,而且具有自我革命、自我批判精神,不断随着时代的变化、科学的进步、实践的发展克服自己理论的时代局限性和历史局限性,开拓自己理论发展的新境界,把自己的理论提到新的高度。以"从无产阶级同时解放全人类,到首先解放自己然后解放全人类""从劳动的价值到劳动力的价值"和"从认为东方不存在土地私有制到承认东方存在土地私有制"三次观点演进的过程发展为例,深入文献考证,可具体说明马克思、恩格斯是如何克服自己理论上的旧观点、旧概念、旧表达形式从而把自己的理论推向前进的。     

劳动给付不能时工资支付风险负担规则的反思 ——以新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情防控常态化为背景

疫情防控常态化背景下，企业可能会随时面临因防控措施导致的停工停产。这种劳动合同履行过程中既不可归责于劳动者也不可归责于企业的劳动给付不能，构成劳动合同的履行不能。研究认为，依据传统私法和劳动法的规则和理念，企业相较于劳动者具有较强的风险承担能力，应当承担继续支付工资的风险。但从宏观经济发展的角度来看，对于停工停产的企业来说，持续支付工资无疑是雪上加霜。全球疫情防控背景下，大部分国家通过社会保险制度的功能来分担企业的风险，通过社会保险补足劳动者的物质需求以达到保障就业的最终目的。研究的结论如下：我国应反思劳动法在应对疫情时的制度短板，在疫情防控常态化的背景之下，从劳资协商、劳动关系履行和稳岗就业三个层面来应对疫情带来的持续危机。