Between Denmark and Detroit: unionized labour at Ford Motor Company,Copenhagen, 1919–1939

In 1919, Ford Motor Company established its first assembly plant on the European mainland in Copenhagen, Denmark. Based on a Fordist productive model, including technology and materials from Detroit, cars were manufactured and exported to most of Northern Europe. It has been claimed that Ford also transferred its principles of industrial relations to Europe, including a ban on trade unions. But as the article demonstrates, the Copenhagen factory was completely unionized, and the unions were able to establish collective bargaining for a period. On the other hand, several factors, including internal splits among the workers caused by the Fordist production methods, worked against the unions over time. The end result was a hybrid between Detroit methods and Danish traditions of industrial relations. The changing character of this hybrid is traced through the shifting relations of power between unions, local management and the Ford Motor Company.     

跨国外包的劳动经济学解释：工资、劳动效率和劳动力结构的分析视角

微观企业的外包决策取决于成本比较和价格博弈,而一个国家跨国外包的实施则与工资水平、社会劳动效率和劳动力结构密切相关,这些因素直接影响着跨国外包的岗位选择、业务规模、接包国选择等。研究显示：跨国外包实际上是国家间劳动力资源优化配置的一种专业化分工方式,其本质上源于国家间资源要素的自由流动障碍,是一国短期弥补劳动力供求矛盾的现实最优选择,与劳动力流动作为调节劳动力资源配置的两种不同方式互为补充,共同起到促进全球劳动力资源配置均衡的作用,有利于扩大社会生产、增加社会财富。此外,岗位性质、业务量、技术水平、国家政治制度设计等都会对跨国外包的实施产生重要影响。     

Art of the Power Deal: The Four Negotiation Roles of Donald J. Trump

In this article, I mine President Donald Trump’s considerable writing and speaking record to synthesize the key elements of his deal‐making approach to help make better sense of his rhetoric and actions on the world’s diplomatic stage. My argument is that Trump’s coercive negotiation style is best understood through the prism of his four public roles: observer, performer, controller, and disrupter. In this article, I analyze how these roles translate into his negotiating behavior. Spotting and exploiting vulnerability is his trade; leverage and bravado are his tools. After assessing the opposing side, Trump uses leverage to threaten his counterparts’ weaknesses, while using bravado to play up the advantages of reaching an agreement on his terms. This way, he presents a drastic structured choice to his opponents, leaving them the least maneuvering space. In the final section of the paper, I illustrate how the four‐role framework helps explain Trump’s decisions in the nuclear negotiations with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. I also consider opportunities for further research.     

“一带一路”视角下的工会问题研究

"一带一路"倡仪实施以来,如何与当地工会合作是中资企业在"一带一路"沿线国家投资和经营管理中,在劳动关系方面必须面临的重要问题之一。"一带一路"沿线国家工会特点明显,差异很大。中东欧国家工会组织率高,集体谈判覆盖率也高;东南亚国家工会组织率相对较低,但组织力量很强。工会与其他非政府组织的各自力量、相互关系也不尽相同,中东欧地区工会组织强大,雇主联合会也强大;西亚北非地区工会组织力量弱,但有其他非政府组织代行部分工会职能。因此,应该从遵守工会相关法律制度,提升对构建和谐劳动关系重要性的认识,找到与东道国工会恰当的合作模式,避免简单移植等方面出发,提高中资企业与当地工会合作的能力。     

Plea bargaining and appraisals of eyewitness evidence by prosecutors and defense attorneys

A sample of defense attorneys and prosecutors from matched California counties participated in a two-part study. Study 1A reports the results of a survey regarding how influential each of the 17 eyewitness factors is in affecting the accuracy of real eyewitness identifications. Generally, both attorney groups considered all eyewitness factors to be influential; on only 6 of the 17 factors were defense attorneys more likely than prosecutors to provide higher importance ratings. In Study 1B, the attorneys answered questions regarding their willingness to plea bargain after reading each of four scenarios in which (1) same- versus cross-race identification and (2) whether the perpetrator was familiar were experimentally manipulated. Both eyewitness factors influenced plea bargaining decisions, and effects were generally consistent for both attorney groups. Results confirm that plea bargaining decisions at least by defense attorneys are made ‘in the shadow of the trial,’ and that appraisals of the strength of eyewitness evidence play a significant role in these decisions.     

Parties' Influence during Government Policy Negotiations: Parliamentary Dynamics and Spatial Advantages in the First Italian Republic

As long as parties are interested in policies, they will always have incentives for influencing the cabinet bargaining process, although they do not necessarily shape its outcome to the same extent. Being a member of the invested government, for example, should increase the leverage a party enjoys when bargaining over the cabinet programme. Nevertheless, depending on institutional and political conditions, non-cabinet parties may also play a role in affecting cabinet policy positions. Despite being widely recognised in the theoretical literature, this point has received considerably less attention in empirical studies. By focusing on cabinet bargaining outcomes during the First Italian Republic, the article shows that spatial advantages associated with parliamentary dynamics, including those possessed by non-cabinet parties, can be no less significant in capturing policy payoffs than government membership, even after controlling for other relevant institutional and behavioural factors.     

The Politics of the Minimum Wage in Hong Kong

This article provides an account of the recent introduction of a minimum wage in Hong Kong in 2011. Traditional welfare state theories had their origins in rich democracies. We refine the theoretical arguments in accordance with the semi-democratic nature of Hong Kong. We argue that the legislation was initiated reluctantly by the business-friendly government under unfavourable economic conditions. Any subsequent concessions to labour were not attributable to labour strength or political oppositions, which were very weak. Instead, multiple miscalculations by the politically dominant business side allowed the labour movement to gain limited grounds throughout the struggle. We also apply our arguments to the case of Singapore, illustrating how welfare state theories can be adapted to less democratic systems.     

Louder than words: Tacit communication in international crises

Clear communication is generally viewed as requisite to the peaceful resolution of international crises. The success of bargaining, deterrent, and compellent strategies hinges on the credibility afforded by unambiguous signals exchanged between opponents. Despite the acknowledged importance of this ‘communication factor,’ little effort has been made to evaluate the relative effectiveness of the various modes of communication that may be employed in crisis. By means of theoretical and comparative case analysis, this study finds a substantial difference between the efficacy of traditional diplomatic negotiation and tacit measures, such as the deployment and/or exercise of military forces near the scene of crisis. Where negotiation alone often fails, backing, preceding, or, at times, replacing diplomacy with tacit measures affords the greatest chances for success. The policy implications of this finding are explored, particularly as they apply to U.S. regional ‘extended deterrent’ strategies for protecting geographically distant friends and interests.     

On the theoretical basis for plea bargaining system

Before discussing the introduction of the plea bargaining system to China’s criminal justice system, it is necessary to study its theoretical basis. Among which, the following aspects should be focused on: the philosophical viewpoint of pragmatism is its thinking basis; the concept of contract is its cultural basis; the structure form of adversary procedure is its systematic basis; and the system of right to silence and discovery of evidence are its symbiotic basis. __________ Translated from Tribune of Political Science and Law, 2002, (6) (in Chinese)