战争与和平:社会性别视角的剖析

作为国际政治学的核心问题之一,战争与和平问题受到该学科各理论流派的关注,女性主义国际政治理论也对之进行了积极的思考和探索。后现代主义女性主义将着眼点由“妇女”转向社会性别,从现实存在和文化象征两个层面上剖析由社会文化界定的两性在社会角色、行为规范和价值观念等方面的差异及由此而形成的双方间不平等的权力关系,其宗旨在于彻底颠覆由男女被人为地两极化所导致的、以等级制和排他性为特征的二元对立思维模式。     

中国传统安全研究十年进展

总体国家安全观提出十年来,中国的传统安全研究取得了显著进步。从研究议题看,中国的传统安全研究主要聚焦地区冲突,领土争端,联盟政治与伙伴关系,核安全、太空战略与网络安全,安全秩序等重要议题。在理论研究上,中国传统安全研究在宏观理论和中层理论方面都有大的提升。总的来看,中国传统安全研究在过去十年研究水平和国际化水平不断提升,中国学者发展了一些安全理论,在国际学术界产生了重要影响。在研究方法、人才梯队和学术共同体建设上,中国传统安全研究也取得了进步。不过,中国传统安全研究也面临着一些挑战：一方面,目前理论创新仍落后于中国的外交实践,难以满足构建中国自主知识体系的要求;另一方面,中国传统安全研究也面临学科碎片化和产出泡沫化的问题。展望未来,中国传统安全研究需紧扣中国和世界面临的重大战略问题,重视对中国经验的提炼和总结,通过基础理论创新为中华民族伟大复兴提供智力支撑。     

惩治战争罪的国内军事立法问题研究

研究战争罪国内立法的理论与实践问题,对帮助国家领导者的正确决策,履行国家的国际承诺,震撼潜在的危及和平的争端和情势等方面具有不可低估的作用。惩治战争罪有国际惩治和国内惩治两种模式。适用国内惩治战争罪是我国相当时期内的现实选择。我国目前有关战争罪国内惩治的法律规定尚存在缺陷之处,需要从立法上予以补充和完善。     

人类增强的完美悖论及其伦理旨趣

以"NBIC"会聚(即纳米技术、生物技术、信息技术和认知科学的会聚)为代表的当代科技革命,在人类增强技术的技术功能展现上,揭开了人类改造或人体增强的"无限光明"的道德前景,从而使得人类以技术方式追求完美、制造完美成为可能.然而,人类增强技术所揭示的道德前景,能否获得伦理的支持?这仍然是一个引发激烈争论的话题.人类增强技...     

“Any press is good press?” Rebel political wings,media freedom,and terrorism in civil wars

As part of a recent effort to bridge the studies of terrorism and civil war, new research has begun to emerge on the use of terrorism by rebel groups as a strategy of war. Building on these findings, we examine the role of affiliated political wings in shaping the use of terrorism by rebel groups during civil wars. We contend that the presence of an affiliated political wing during the civil war should increase the use of terrorism by rebel groups only in countries where there are relatively few restrictions on the freedom of the press. As political wings are often designed to engage with the civilian population through the dissemination of information, these apparatuses are in a key position to frame the use of terrorism as part of the rebel’s broader war effort. To test this proposition, we examine the use of terrorism by all rebel groups from 1970 to 2011. The results from the analysis provide strong support for our argument that political wings increase the use of terrorism by rebel groups only when the press is allowed to independently cover terrorist attacks.     

Food,state power,and rebellion: The case of maize

Why do rebellions occur and persist in some countries but not in others? Evidence shows that natural resources affect the fighting capacity of rebel groups; yet, by focusing on lucrative resources that are rare in most rebellion-afflicted countries, such as oil and diamonds, scholars neglected one necessary input for rebellion: staple crops. Focusing on maize, the world’s most prevalent staple, this study argues that, as one of the most important resources for rebel groups, maize can have a destabilizing effect on the state’s ability to thwart rebellion. These claims are corroborated statistically on a new time-varying, high-resolution global dataset of staple crop productivity, and then qualitatively through an analysis of archival records on the Mau Mau rebellion. In identifying an overlooked, global linkage between agricultural abundance, state capacity, and intrastate violence, this study explains strong geographical and temporal variations in rebellions at both the subnational and global levels.     

Nowhere to go? Why do some civil wars generate more refugees than others?

Civil wars greatly vary in the number of refugees they generate, ranging from zero to over six millions in a given conflict. Work on this variation has largely focused on “push” factors – deleterious attributes of the home country that lead to refugee flows, such as violence and repression. Yet, few have studied the importance of “pull” factors – attractive features of the potential host countries. Here we show in particular the importance of the expected quality of life in possible destinations. Using data on civil wars from 1951 to 2008, we find that the proximity of democratic and wealthy potential hosts accounts for much of the variation in the number of refugees. Out-of-sample validation methods show that these “pull” factors account for nearly as much predictive power as all the main variables previously identified in the literature combined.     

Coordinating Transitional Justice

Conflict resolution professionals sometimes differ from human rights professionals about the best approaches to transitional justice, particularly with regard to the scope, conditions, and timing of possible amnesties from prosecution for perpetrators of war crimes and human rights abuses. When human rights and conflict resolution professionals work at cross‐purposes, they may work less effectively to end conflict, abuses, and crimes, and to implement peace accords. A consensus among conflict resolution and human rights scholars about which legal norms should govern post‐conflict amnesty programs appears to be developing. Against this emerging legal framework, human rights and conflict resolution professionals should, I argue, develop processes for working together more effectively in the design and implementation of context‐sensitive approaches to transitional justice. These process principles should address the entire conflict period, from escalation through resolution to post‐conflict reconstruction. In this article, I describe a tentative, general framework for coordinating the development of transitional justice programs. This proposed framework is intended to stimulate and guide discussion of these issues among conflict resolution and human rights professionals and scholars.     

Conflict Resolution: Lessons from the Dayton Peace Process

The Bosnian War (1992–1995) was one of the most brutal conflicts in Europe since the end of World War II. Thirty‐four cease‐fires failed to produce peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina until the late American diplomat, Richard Holbrooke, brokered one that set the stage for a series of negotiations—starting in the Balkans and ending in Dayton, Ohio. The Dayton peace process finally terminated the Bosnian War. The interplay of military intervention by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and diplomacy by the United States was remarkable. This article highlights thirteen conflict resolution lessons or “Holbrookeisms” that can be learned from the Dayton peace process. Some aspects of Holbrooke's approach toward the peace process helped him to successfully mediate an end to the Bosnian War, while others contributed toward some of the existing cleavages in today's Bosnian society.