谈新贸易保护主义下的国家安全审查制度——从华为、中兴收购受阻谈起

传统“国家安全”内涵延伸到经济领域导致贸易保护盛行,投资壁垒越来越多,尤以中兴、华为进入美国遭到的以国家安全审查为内容的新贸易保护阻挠为最.本文透视美国安全审查制度,分析了中国企业海外投资遭受歧视待遇的原因,以期为我国对外资的管制和促进海外投资的保护提供借鉴.     

我国贫富差距现象分析与政府的行为选择

当前，我国贫富差距有逐渐拉大的趋势。正确认识这一现象，对其做出客观的评价，不仅有助于我们厘清政府在其中应该承担的责任，找到调整贫富差距的有效方法，而且对我国进一步深化分配体制改革、全面建成小康社会具有重大的战略意义。     

证据保管链制度研究

证据保管链制度要求建立自侦查阶段收集证据至审判阶段将证据提交法庭的完整记录体系;除少数例外情形,所有接触证据的人员都必须出庭作证。这一制度对规范侦查、起诉人员收集、运输、保管证据等行为,协助法官和辩护方审查判断证据的真伪,都具有极为重要的意义。我国刑事诉讼法只要求对证据的收集进行记录,而不要求对证据的运输、保管、鉴定等也进行记录,更不要求接触证据的人员出庭作证;这对保障实物证据的证明力极为不利。我国在未来立法时有必要借鉴域外经验,建立系统的证据保管链制度。     

中日甲午战争与东北亚国际关系的变化

中日甲午战争中清朝的惨败给中国社会带来空前严重的社会危机,大大加深了中国社会半殖民地化的程度。而战胜国日本则国力日益强大,跻身于资本主义列强的行列。甲午战争后,日本的崛起和扩张加剧了东亚地区国家关系的变化,给这一地区的国际关系带来直接而深远的影响。东亚国际秩序由以中国为中心的传统宗藩朝贡体系向近代殖民条约体系转型,中朝日近代新型的国家关系逐渐建立起来,传统的宗藩体系土崩瓦解。本文以中日甲午战争的爆发与传统华夷秩序的瓦解为切入点,探讨甲午战争后东亚传统邻邦中朝日三国新型近代国家关系建立始末及其对三国关系产生的影响。     

对加强胜利油田惩防体系建设的思考

建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系是推进党风廉政建设的创新举措。胜利油田惩防体系建设以党的十八精神为指针，固本清源抓教育，规范权力抓监督，以查促防抓惩处，牢牢把握促进党员干部清正廉洁、保障履职安全的目标指向，为提升胜利油田党风建设和反腐倡廉工作水平，推动胜利油田打造世界一流、实现率先发展提供政治保障。     

我国基于横切分裂的多元协商民主模式——以十八大代表结构为例

近年，国内学界对协商民主模式颇为关注，众多学者对这一模式的起源、定义、发展趋向等方面进行了大量研究，但很少注意到：协商民主模式的有效运作必须以一国内部不同群体之间的横切分裂为基础；这一模式内部包含多元参与；其有效运作必须以一国内部经济、宗教、语言、民族、意识形态等方面的非两极化为前提。协商民主模式的发展必须注意多元参与和运作前提等等。对中国共产党÷八大代表结构变化的分析可以判断出：我国正在完善多元协商模式，而且，这一模式将有效维护我国政治、经济和社会的稳定。     

“同心”思想与新形势下统一战线服务毕节试验区建设研究

党的十八大报告对统一战线提出了＂促进思想上同心同德、目标上同心同向、行动上同心同行＂的要求;作为新时期＂同心思想＂重要策源地的毕节试验区,需要精心贯彻落实好＂顶层设计＂,以＂同心思想＂推进＂同心行动＂,勇于试验探索,实现科学发展。     

Writing,Space and Authority: Producing and Critiquing Settler Jurisdiction in Western Australia

On the edge of Stirling Gardens in central Perth, Western Australia, five large, old-fashioned pen nibs stand in a curved line, their tips in the ground. Anne Neil’s sculpture, Memory Markers, commemorates the history of this site, which includes the Supreme Court. Taking this sculpture as an emblem of writing, which in the context of its setting highlights the relationship between literature and law, this article explores the image of the pen in the ground. As a symbol of literacy, it evokes the powerful network of discourses—particularly law, science and religion—that underwrote the imperial project. It signals, in Michele Grossman’s terms, “the event of literacy [that] radically interrupts and disrupts—but never eliminates—pre-existing Aboriginal epistemologies”. The article goes on to explore the sculpture as a symbol of the assertion of jurisdiction, the speaking of law in and over colonised space. It analyses a group of written texts associated with this site, from colonial legal assertions of jurisdiction over Aboriginal people in Edward Landor’s The Bushman (1847), through a proclamation under the Aborigines Act 1905 (WA), to Stephen Kinnane’s Indigenous family memoir of life under that act, Shadow Lines (2004).     

The Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme at the university of South Africa: Is this the right path towards African solutions?

There have been a number of initiatives in Africa to rid the Continent of political instability, conflict, poverty and disease. Many have argued that aid from the West has helped Africa in many ways—from stopping wars, to food relief and rescuing the African environment. Yet others have slated Western involvement which they contend, frequently leaves Africans dependant rather than capable of solving their own problems. In line with the pan-Africanist and the African Union (AU) ideals, there is now a realisation by Africans that there is a need to find African solutions to African challenges and problems. This review article explores the University of South Africa’s (Unisa’s) Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme, by looking at its objectives and the reason why it must be labelled a Programme, its mandate, which is in line with the brief of the AU and pan-Africanist ideals. The article focuses on how Unisa’s programme responds to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG); and how it has attempted to facilitate knowledge for peace in Africa, through empowering electoral officials from various African states. The article concludes by looking at the successes and limitations of the Programme over a five-year period, from its inception in 2011.     

世界大变局与中美日三国战略选择

在世界大变局中,战后国际格局重大变化的主要标志是“世界老二”易位。苏联、日本皆不例外;21世纪以来欧盟也由盛转衰。未来国际格局可能有三种前景:1.中美两极对抗体制;2.中美竞争合作的“两极多元体制”;3.世界各大力量多元并存,构建多元一体的人类命运共同体。这要看世界潮流是走向和平多边主义还是暴力多边主义。中国实现伟大复兴后的战略选择是“济弱扶倾”,为世界可持续发展与可持续安全做贡献。日本面临的战略选择是:继续在《日本国宪法》下走和平发展道路,还是修改宪法,成为“能战国家”的一员,加入暴力强权的多边主义?坚持开放的地区主义与国际协调,还是搞排他经济集团,远交近攻,以中国为竞争对手?利用中美对立从中渔利,还是促进中美协调而避免在中美之间“选边站”?妥善处理中日两国围绕钓鱼岛归属认知争议和台湾问题,还是重走历史老路?囿于冷战思维和传统权力政治的现实主义决策逻辑,同中国搞战略对抗,还是树立共同、综合、合作、可持续安全的新安全观,与中国加强合作?这些战略选择将关乎未来30年的中日关系。