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41.
林子民 《陕西行政学院学报》2022,(1):121-125
习近平总书记在福建工作期间形成了极为宝贵的创新理念和重大实践。这些理念和实践具有前瞻性、开创性、战略性,其中“坚持以人民为中心”的理念和实践对民办高校思想政治教育队伍的建设有重要的指导意义。目前,民办高校思想政治教育队伍存在理论学习不深入、学生思想动态调研不充足、专业技能学习不及时、融入学生群体不顺畅、思想政治辅导员队伍不稳定、辅导员与思想政治理论课教师之间的思想政治教育不融合等薄弱点。针对这些问题,应将“坚持以人民为中心”作为民办高校思想政治教育工作的理念和实践,将一切工作的初衷紧紧围绕着学生这个群体,促进思想政治教育队伍的建设。 相似文献
42.
网络民主热的冷思考 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
郭小安 《北京行政学院学报》2011,(6):48-52
网络民主热潮的背后,折射出了现实政治的诸多困境.它的“一枝独秀”很大程度上缘于现实参与渠道的不畅通、多元民主力量的缺失以及代议机构功能不足等,它的有效治理取决于现实政治的容纳和对接,有赖于多元民主力量的壮大,以及各种民主形式之间的优势互补. 相似文献
43.
Political Parties and Grassroots Clientelist Strategies in Urban Turkey: One Neighbourhood at a Time
Ceren Ark-Yıldırım 《South European society & politics》2017,22(4):473-490
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas. 相似文献
44.
Frederick Golooba-Mutebi 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2017,55(1):22-40
Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt. 相似文献
45.
立法机关司法职能的正当性来源于政治权力运行的逻辑必然和实现对它权的制约需要,分权并不排斥各政治部门之间为了合法的目的而进行最低限度的权力交叉;同时,发挥代议机构的政治协调功能以及司法权的社会分享也为之提供了价值支撑和理论根基。 相似文献
46.
Brian Masshardt 《East Asia》2007,24(3):319-335
Prime Minister Koizumi’s six consecutive annual visits to Yasukuni shrine played a key role in initiating a new phase of domestic
citizen political mobilization not seen since the early 1970s. This paper is based on field research during the Koizumi years
(2001–2006) centering on domestic groups that conduct activities in “protection” of or “opposition” to Yasukuni shrine. As
a study of street-based politics, this paper seeks to uncover the processes, strategies, and outcomes of citizen responses
to elite political action at Yasukuni Shrine as well as explore meaning of their actions within the context of Japan’s democratic
polity.
Brian Masshardt is Lecturer, Musashi University, and a Ph.D. Candidate, University of Hawaii-Manoa, whose research addresses the political aspects of Yasukuni in the context of domestic politics and citizen’s movements. His doctoral dissertation, entitled ‘Democracy and Yasukuni: Citizen Reaction to political action at Yasukuni Shrine, 2001–2006’ has served as the basis for conference presentations on Yasukuni and its attendant controversies. 相似文献
Brian MasshardtEmail: |
Brian Masshardt is Lecturer, Musashi University, and a Ph.D. Candidate, University of Hawaii-Manoa, whose research addresses the political aspects of Yasukuni in the context of domestic politics and citizen’s movements. His doctoral dissertation, entitled ‘Democracy and Yasukuni: Citizen Reaction to political action at Yasukuni Shrine, 2001–2006’ has served as the basis for conference presentations on Yasukuni and its attendant controversies. 相似文献
47.
Saatvika Rai 《政策研究评论》2020,37(4):444-463
The United States is experiencing growing impacts of climate change but currently receives a limited policy response from its national leadership. Within this policy void, many state governments are stepping up and taking action on adaptation planning. Yet we know little about why some states adopt State Adaptation Plans (SAPs), while others do not. This article investigates factors that predict the emergence of SAPs, both in terms of policy adoption and policy intensity (goal ambitiousness). Applying the diffusion of innovation theory, I consider the relative influence of internal state characteristics, regional pressures, and test for conditional effects between government ideologies and severity of the problem. The results show interesting differences between predictors that influence policy adoption and ambitiousness. States are more motivated to adopt a policy when faced with greater climate vulnerability, have more liberal citizenry, and where governments have crossed policy hurdles by previously passing mitigation plans. The intensity of policies and goal setting, moreover, is more likely to be driven by interest group politics and diffuse through policy learning or sharing information among neighboring states in Environmental Protection Agency regions. These findings support an emerging scholarship that uses more complex dependent variables in policy analysis. These variables have the potential to differentiate symbolic from substantive policies and capture finer information about predictors of importance. 相似文献
48.
Ihwan Susila Raja Nerina Raja Yusof Anton Agus Setyawan Farid Wajdi 《Journal of Political Marketing》2020,19(1-2):153-175
Communication in political marketing plays an important role in political mobilization, building trust both in political actors and the government. Politicians construct their messages through careful branding as the power of the cultural symbols and signs conveyed through the brand are potent heuristic devices. This is particularly important in emerging democracies, where there is limited political knowledge and understanding. Therefore, this research explores how young voters understand the symbolic communication fashioned by political actors in Indonesia and how it relates to their brand. Indonesia is an interesting area for study; it is both secular and the world’s largest Muslim democracy. Using a phenomenological approach, a total of 19 in-depth interviews with young voters were conducted to gain rich insight into perceptions of the complexity of political symbolism, and trust among young voters. This study conceptualized political communication as a dual approach. The political brand promise is intrinsically linked to cultural references and conveyed through symbolic communication combined with a distinctive brand message. This builds trust, which then affects political participation. This conceptual framework provides insights into the importance of culture in branding which has implications for policy makers and actors in emerging and established democracies. 相似文献
49.
褚国建 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2020,34(6):86-94
从“推进党的制度建设科学化”到“加快党内法规制度体系建设”,体现了我国政党治理法治化的发展趋势。法律的政治化与政治的法治化是近代以来世界民主法治建设的基本发展特点,党内法规制度建设应当以法治与政治的统一性原理建构其理论基础。要以政治性引领党内法规制度体系建设,确保其规范内容上体现先进性、规范目的上聚焦领导力、规范渊源上关照实践面。同时,更要以法治性补强以往党的制度建设的短板,运用法治思维和法治方式加快党内法规制度体系建设,增强其概念的可通用性、体系的可衔接性、执行的可协同性。 相似文献
50.
Michael Minkenberg 《West European politics》2018,41(1):53-79
The article presents a comparative analysis of the religious underpinnings of 19 liberal democracies in the West and their relevance for contemporary minority politics. The democratic relevance of religion is conceptualised as stemming from actors (churches, religious parties) and from historical and structural factors such as confessional patterns, relationships between state and church and degrees of secularisation in 19 democracies with a Christian background. The article’s historical mapping demonstrates that democratic development has occurred in distinct patterns rooted in the Catholic?Protestant divide. It then demonstrates that there are distinct effects of this divide on minority politics. It is hypothesised that in line with the confessional patterning of democratisation, Catholic countries and actors seem to be more resistant to the pressures arising from religious pluralisation than Protestant ones and that, even after 9/11, there is no cross-national or cross-confessional convergence in these responses. 相似文献