网络社群的组织特征及其社会影响

网络社会群体具有互动过程的超时空性与开放性、行动空间再生产中的虚拟性、社会关系的平等性与自主性、秩序建构中的扁平化与多中心性、社群交往纽带的网缘化、群体成员的异质性较高和群体边界模糊等社会组织特征.其社会影响力主要表现为在互动基础上传播信息、提供工具性支持和情感性帮助、以弱关系为基础进行强社会动员、以舆论聚焦为基础开展...     

现代法治与民主宪政的金融解释

金融发展对一国的现代法治与民主宪政有着深远的促进作用。金融格局与工商文明构建了现代民主、法治的基石,内生化了市场对法律制度、民主宪政制度供给的需求。欧洲式的现代民主法治的建构与金融市场的发展有着极为密切的联系。正是由于有着与金融财富增长相匹配的金融民主模式,欧美国家的民主宪政得以确立。文章以金融秩序与工商文明的发展为主线,从金融视角,解读中国社会工商文明的系统累积与法律制度供给,金融工商文明的话语体系与思维方式,政府公权力与民间私权利的互动,对深刻理解与构建中国社会的现代法治与民主宪政,具有重要意义。     

关于民主集中制实质问题的探讨

民主集中制作为共产党和社会主义国家的组织原则和制度,它的实质是什么呢?这是一个引起争论、事关重大的理论与实践问题,必须进行深入地研究。本文指出,从历史研究的角度考察,已经先后有了四种主要的解读,这就是列宁、《苏联大百科全书》和我国两位学者的不同解读。本文对四种解读作了扼要的介绍,并进行了简要的评说分析,说明了列宁提出的民主集中制,是从民主制和集中制派生出来的,是民主制和集中制两部分的结合,在革命斗争时期,这其中的集中制起决定作用,民主集中制的实质只能是集中制。民主集中制在其发展进程中,经历了新的变化,进入新的形态,即在革命胜利后,其中的民主制大于其中的集中制并将最终完全复归于民主制的形态,民主集中制的实质必然归位于民主制。     

对2009年网络热点事件的传播学解读

网络热点事件是指经由网络媒体发布信息、形成相应舆论进而成为众所关注的热点事件。2009年为数不少的网络热点事件体现了一系列传播学特征：传播迅速,相应的网络语汇得以广泛流播;参与群体明显扩展;大致都有自己的传播规律;折射出受众心理的新的内涵;信息传播的准确性、可靠性不易辨别和确认。这些网络热点事件在传播模式、传播控制、传播效果等层面对既有传播学理论提出了挑战：对既有的传播模式理论有所超越;对“把关人”理论有所突破;对“议程设置”理论有所拓展。     

网络舆论危机与“五重效应”化解

政府网络舆论危机既是引发政府公信力危机的＂催化剂＂,又是化解危机的＂灭火器＂。面对网络舆论,政府部门应发挥避雷针效应,做好积极引导;打破屏蔽效应,树立公开透明形象;重视首因效应,做好事件首次应对;克服激将效应,提高新闻发布水平;避免蝴蝶效应,及时迅捷处理问题。     

试析土耳其文官政治与军人政治的博弈——基于正义与发展党的执政实践

军人在土耳其历史文化中占据重要地位,曾经通过3次军事政变推翻民选政府,并通过还政文官政府使土耳其沿着凯末尔主义的方向前进。正义与发展党上台后,尽管文官政府和军方极力维持脆弱的平衡关系,但双方在权力争夺、加入欧盟、库尔德问题、复兴伊斯兰文化等方面分歧重重,争端不断。文官政治和军人政治博弈的结果说明了土耳其的军人政治逐渐让步于文官政治,军人干政在可预见的将来很难再发生;尽管世俗主义和伊斯兰主义之间的斗争仍很激烈,但已逐渐趋于理性;正义与发展党"保守的民主"模式获得民众的普遍认可,将为中东诸国提供一种民主发展的范式。     

Modeling Selection Bias in Studies of Sanctions Efficacy

Sanctions rarely work but they continue to be used frequently by policymakers. I argue that previous studies of sanctions ignore the problem of strategic censoring by focusing only on cases of observed sanctions. In this paper, I develop a unified model of sanction imposition and success and test it using a simultaneous equation censored probit model. This selection-corrected sanction model finds that the process by which sanctions are imposed is linked to the process by which some succeed while others fail, and that the unmeasured factors that lead to sanction imposition are negatively related to their success.     

An approach to minimizing legal and reputational risk in Red Team hacking exercises

Robust cyber-resilience depends on sound technical controls and testing of those controls in combination with rigorous cyber-security policies and practices. Increasingly, corporations and other organizations are seeking to test all of these, using methods more sophisticated than mere network penetration testing or other technical audit operations. More sophisticated organizations are also conducting so-called “Red Team” exercises, in which the organization tasks a small team of highly skilled and trained individuals to try to gain unauthorized access to physical and logical company assets and information. While such operations can have real value, they must be planned and conducted with great care in order to avoid violating the law or creating undue risk and reputational harm to the organization. This article explores these sometimes tricky issues, and offers practical risk-based guidance for organizations contemplating these types of exercises.     

Castoriadis and the Modern Political Imaginary—Oligarchy,Representation, Democracy

Abstract

This article examines the link between oligarchy and the notion of representative democracy, which for Castoriadis also implies the bureaucratisation of society. However, in an argument with and against Castoriadis, one has to decipher modern oligarchies before launching into a radical critique of the principle of representation. There is a diversity of representative democracies, and the complexity of modernity comes from a mixture of oligarchy, representation and democracy. Even though the idea of democracy has evolved, we do not live under representative democracies but under liberal oligarchies. Direct democratic procedures and representative elements can sometimes be gathered in order to create new forms of political commitment. The main problem is avoiding a concentration of powers, which cannot create the conditions for the emergence of democratic institutions.     

The New Neighborhood Policy of the EU: An Appropriate Response to the Arab Spring?

This article analyzes the extent, substance, and underlying objectives of the European Union's (EU) new neighborhood policy in response to the Arab Spring. It questions whether the new policy approach constitutes a major policy shift or is just “old wine in new wineskins.” The article discusses the causes for much continuity and limited change in the new policy from a neo-institutionalist perspective. It concludes that both continuity and change primarily result from constraints inherent to the EU. In particular, the interaction between the Commission and the Council shapes a policy that corresponds with the normative aspirations and realist interests of the EU but hardly with the needs and expectations of the partner states.