网络安全分析

网络安全对于国家安全和经济建设具有重要意义 ,但网络面临着种种威胁。我们有必要通过分析网络安全技术 ,给出一个较完备的网络安全体系。     

入世后信息网络监察工作面临的形势和对策

计算机网络技术的迅速发展,使计算机网络监察工作面临新的形势和特点。因此,信息网络监察部门应加强立法建设;加强网络监察技术手段和装备的建设;加强反计算机网络犯罪机构的工作力度,加快建设一支高素质的网络警察队伍;落实好网络安全保护责任制;加强网民的守法意识和防范能力;建立健全国际合作体系。     

基于网络媒介的突发性公共危机信息传播仿真和管理对策研究

危机信息的健康传播在突发性公共危机管理中至关重要。为了研究突发性公共危机信息在网络环境中传播的特征,本文以复杂适应系统理论为指导,利用多主体建模方法,基于Repast平台模拟突发性公共危机信息在网络媒介中的传播过程。通过模型仿真我们发现突发性公共危机在网络环境中传播的生命周期现象和群极化现象;并且分析比较了各主体属性在不同参数值下的演化结果,探寻危机信息传播的有效方法,为政府如何应对危机管理提供决策支持,以期有效控制突发性公共危机信息在网络环境的恶性传播。     

Democracy Beyond Secrecy: Assessing the Promises and Pitfalls of Collective Voting

This paper assesses collective voting as a specific mode of democratic decision‐making and compares it to secret voting. Under collective voting, voters gather in one place and decide by the show of hands. We theorise two potential advantages and two disadvantages of collective voting so defined. We then draw on original survey data from one of the largest polities practising collective voting, the citizen assembly of the Swiss canton of Glarus. We find that both the promises and pitfalls of non‐secret voting are exaggerated. Non‐secret voting’s suspected pitfalls – social pressure and abstention – do not generally materialise in our sample, although for women they do appear to be relevant to some extent. However, the promises of collective voting – enabling cue‐taking and discursive bridging and bonding – are equally realised to a limited extent only.     

俄罗斯民主化时代的政治腐败--再论"民主不是万应灵丹"

苏联解体后以叶利钦为首的民主改革派所推行的“民主化加私有化”改革,非但没有得到如民主崇拜者所料想的那种“清除政治腐败”、“倡行社会公正”和“振兴国家经济”的效果,反而使俄罗斯陷入了比苏联时期有过之无不及的政治腐败;其结果,导致黑社会组织横行无忌,社会公正被藐视和践踏,经济发展捉襟见肘,国际地位一落千丈的窘境。这种情形不啻是对“民主万能”神话的辛辣嘲讽,其原因有必要引起学术界的反思。     

Federalism and democratization in Russia

The scholarly literature on democratic transitions has largely ignored developments at the local level and the relationship between federalism and democracy. In this work I examine the development of federalism in Russia and I assess the impact of Russia's highly asymmetrical form of federalism on democratisation. The study shows that federalism far from promoting democracy has allowed authoritarianism to flourish in many of Russia's eighty nine regions and republics. Federalism and democratization in Russia exist in contradiction rather than harmony. In a vicious circle, authoritarianism at the centre has been nourished by authoritarianism in the region and vice versa. “Elective dictatorships” and “delegative democracies” are now well entrenched in many republics, and mini-presidential systems are firmly established in a majority of the regions.     

When parties go abroad: Explaining patterns of extraterritorial voting

As more countries grant political rights to their emigrants and more politicians look beyond national boundaries for support, scholars are beginning to explore the drivers and implications of voting from abroad. We use an original dataset of overseas campaigning by political parties in 108 elections in 24 countries to provide the first cross-national test of how party mobilization shapes turnout beyond national borders. Using fractional regression and inverse probability weighting with regression adjustment (IPWRA), we find that party mobilization increases extraterritorial voter turnout. Our results remain robust when controlling for emigrant profiles, institutional barriers to participation, and political context and correcting for self-selection bias.     

Targeting the Motivated? Ethnicity and the Pre‐emptive Use of Government Repression

Research on government repression often focuses on the comparison between states over time and provides little insight about the targets of repression within a state. This article unpacks government repression against different ethnic groups. It argues that non‐democratic governments use pre‐emptive and targeted repression against ethnic groups that are discriminated, strong, or have a history of protest or rebellion in order to prevent future ethnic rebellions. For democratic governments, on the other hand, the cost of pre‐emptive repression is too high. The article tests this argument in a quantitative analysis of government‐group dyads. It finds at least partial support for some implications of the argument: Autocratic governments use more repression than democracies against discriminated groups, but only when they are also weak, and against groups with a history of protest. There is little evidence that regimes of either type respond to previous violent mobilization or group strength with repression.     

Economic Sanctions and Political Repression: Assessing the Impact of Coercive Diplomacy on Political Freedoms

This article offers a thorough analysis of the unintended impact economic sanctions have on political repression—referred to in this study as the level of the government respect for democratic freedoms and human rights. We argue that economic coercion is a counterproductive policy tool that reduces the level of political freedoms in sanctioned countries. Instead of coercing the sanctioned regime into reforming itself, sanctions inadvertently enhance the regime’s coercive capacity and create incentives for the regime’s leadership to commit political repression. Cross-national time series data support our argument, confirming that the continued use of economic sanctions (even when aimed at promoting political liberalization and respect for human rights) will increase the level of political repression. These findings suggest that both scholars and policy makers should pay more attention to the externalities caused by economic coercion.

论中国语境下协商民主的功能与空间——基于工资集体协商的温岭“实验场景”

社会主义民主已被确立为中国政治文明建设的发展方向。在我国社会经济体制不断变迁和社会结构多元分化的情况下,选择何种理想的民主化模式,并在中国政治发展不主张政治多元化的背景下,建立一种具有可持续性的长效机制,促进社会和谐发展,成为当前社会主义民主政治建设的一个关键性问题。协商民主的引介和发展,为扩大公民有序化参与,化解各种社会矛盾,维护社会的和谐稳定作了一些有益的探索。本文以浙江温岭围绕行业工资协商开展的一系列创造性实践为例,就协商民主在当代中国所发挥的功能与发展空间问题进行了初步性探究。