从“太阳花学运”看台湾民主

台湾自视为民主化的“灯塔”,但“太阳花学运”暴露出台湾民主存在诸多问题,引发广泛争议。争议中的共识是台湾民主出了问题,但也存在分歧,即究竟该对近三十年来的台湾民主化持什么态度,肯定、否定,抑或其他？分歧的产生与民主质量理论运用到台湾民主研究有关,民主质量的概念特性导致不同学者对其内涵的理解有所不同。有将其理解为狭义的“民主”的质量,包括竞争性选举、政党轮替等;也有将其理解为中义的“民主政治”的质量,包括法治、宪政、分权、人权等其他政治范畴;还有将其理解为广义的“民主政体”的质量,包括政治绩效、经济绩效、社会绩效等政治、经济和社会范畴。通过民主质量理论可知,台湾基本实现了巩固的民主,但尚未实现优质的民主。     

Media corruption and issues of journalistic and institutional integrity in post-communist countries: The case of Bulgaria

From a normative standpoint the media are usually seen as one of the pillars of a national integrity system, entrusted with the tasks of exposing and preventing acts of corruption and educating the public of the harm caused by corruption. Nevertheless, corruption continues to be one of the most significant challenges that Europe faces, undermining citizens' trust in democratic institutions and weakening the accountability of political leadership. Evidence suggests that in fragile EU democracies such as Bulgaria, despite more than eight years of full membership and numerous preventive measures, corruption is rife and the press is hardly capable of exposing abuses of power or authority. On the contrary - drawing on in-depth interviews with 35 Bulgarian journalists - this paper argues that since communism collapsed in the late 1980s the media in post-communist societies such as Bulgaria has gradually become an instrument to promote and defend private vested interests, and is plagued by corruption. Senior journalists and editors cast serious doubt over the ability of the post-communist free press and journalism to act as a watchdog for society.     

区域水资源共享冲突的网络治理模式创新

水资源是关系国计民生的重要战略性自然资源,具有多种属性。2009年世界水日的主题(跨界水:共享的水、共享的机遇)引发了各国对跨界水资源治理制度的关注。典型的市场治理或科层治理机制已经无法解决跨界水资源多维属性的复杂问题,其治理效果和效率在不断降低。本文从我国的水资源共享冲突区域现实及9+2合作区的构建出发,认为我国的区域水资源共享冲突治理需要借鉴西方的网络治理模式,以提高治理效率。西方学者提出的共享型治理、领导型网络治理和行政型网络治理三种不同的网络治理结构模式在我国不具备独立存在的环境,认为水资源的共享治理创新将涉及流域沿途的不同区域不同部门,以及同一区域不同层次的各部门。应该建立一种兼具领导型网络与行政型网络的复杂治理结构,即按照传统的自上而下层级结构建立纵向的权力层次,并按照新兴的各种利益集团组织建立横向的行动规则,形成区域公共物品或公共服务的共享供给和实施决策机制。     

Checking Executive Personalism: Collegial Governments and the Level of Democracy*

The world is facing a tide of “cult‐of‐personality” governments that threaten liberal democracy (e.g., Trump, Duterte, Bolsonaro, Orbán). Collegial executives are a long‐established institutional alternative, predicated upon disarming this very shortcoming in the practice of democracy. These are regimes in which multiple people share power, limiting executive excess. Historiographic accounts regard the collegial executive as inimical to resolute decision‐making and responsible for democratic deterioration. Despite being used since antiquity, there is no empirical research on how collegial executives influence democracy. This paper tests, for the first time, whether collegial executives are substantially worse for democracy than single‐leader executives. The focus is on the only robust polyarchy to have alternated twice between single‐person and collegial‐executive governments: Uruguay. Using the Synthetic Control Method, the paper creates a fictional Uruguay to compare with the country’s real experience. The results show that multiple‐executive governments have had no impact on Uruguay’s level of democracy.     

东亚三种战略模式比较研究——兼论东亚模式转型的必要性

虽然后新自由主义、后东亚模式分别受到华盛顿共识、北京共识的追捧与推崇,韩国、中国台湾地区的新东亚模式由于政治转型的阵痛而备受冷落.然而,与后新自由主义导致经济依附性发展不断加深,社会贫富差距不断扩大,后东亚模式导致政府失灵加剧,金权勾结普遍化相比,新东亚模式地区的经济发展与社会发展更为协调,经济发展的可持续性更强.随着后发国家发展环境的改变,新自由主义与东亚模式已经失去其存在的合理性,只有通过积极的战略转型,依靠民主宪政和有限贸易保护政策制约政府失灵,减少市场失灵,后发国家才能够避免经济的过度依附性发展,缩小社会贫富差距,增强发展的可持续性,实现现代化的赶超.     

中国共产党破解历史周期率难题的路径选择——从民主、法治到治理的历史演进

历史周期率是我国历史上封建王朝、封建政权摆脱不了的宿命。历代封建王朝盛极而衰、农民起义军先胜后败,一个共同的也是极其重要的原因,就是自己解决不了自己的问题。中国共产党在破解历史周期率难题的艰辛探索中,终于找到了破解这一难题的根本出路:既要靠民主,又要靠法治,还要靠治理,从而形成了“从民主、法治到治理”这样一条切实可行的政治发展路径。可以说从整体上实现了政治合法性与政治有效性两方面的有机统一。并且,这一发展路径既体现了发展的阶段性,即不同历史时期在处理合法性与有效性关系问题上侧重点的不同,同时又体现了历史的延续性,即不同发展阶段之间并非相互替代而是逐步递增的过程。而从实践维度看,则表现在新的时代背景下对执政党的执政理念也有了新的要求,那就是适应新的时代发展需要,在推进民主法治建设的同时大力突出治理的重要性,于是,提高执政党科学执政、民主执政、依法执政水平的要求便势在必行。     

Is Populism Bad For Business? Assessing The Reputational Effect Of Populist Incumbents

This article seeks to assess whether populist incumbents affect their country’s perceived political stability and business climate. Existing evidence contends that populist governments in European democracies produce more moderate policy outcomes than their agendas would suggest. However, populist parties are still regarded as disruptive, as they are perceived to not conforming to the politics of negotiation and compromise that are central to liberal democracies. Therefore, their presence in government may generate political uncertainty and negatively affect the business climate. Drawing on a sample of 26 European democracies between 1996 and 2016, we find that populist incumbency initially generates market uncertainty, but after about two years in office, the negative effect on the business climate vanishes.     

Economic shocks and democratic consolidation: Historical evidence from party-level electoral volatility in France

The emergence of a stable party system is a central aspect of democratic consolidation. Building a novel historical dataset, we analyze how economic growth affected the party-level electoral volatility during the consolidation of the French democracy over the Third Republic (1870-1940). We document an asymmetric effect in that positive economic shocks produced electoral stability, while negative shocks had not the expected destabilizing effect. Moreover, a positive shock had a disproportionally stabilizing effect during economic prosperity, four times stronger than during an average economic conjuncture. As France experienced strong positive shocks over this period, our results imply that the party system consolidation may have been driven by a few exceptionally high growth episodes. We also find evidence suggesting that positive shocks developed voters’ support for institutionally stable parties.     

Criminal Justice in a Democracy: Towards a Relational Conception of Criminal Law and Punishment

This article starts from the observation that in classical Athens the discovery of democracy as a normative model of politics has been from the beginning not only a political and a legal but at the same time a philosophical enterprise. Reflections on the concept of criminal law and on the meaning of punishment can greatly benefit from reflections on Athenian democracy as a germ for our contemporary debate on criminal justice in a democracy. Three main characteristics of the Athenian model will be analysed: the self-instituting capacity of a democracy based on participatory and reflective citizenship, political power as the capacity of citizens for co-operating and co-acting with others, and the crime of hubris as one of the key issues in Athenian criminal law. These analyses will lead to the conclusion that one of the key issues of a democratic legal order lies in its capacity of recognizing the fragility of the human condition and of developing workable and effective standards of justice in that context. A relational conception of criminal law and punishment, based on proportionality, reflexivity, mutual respect and responsibility fits best with a democracy under the rule of law.

论公民参与地方政府政策评估制度建设——以政策网络理论为视角

政策网络理论为分析政策运行过程提供了重要理论工具.从政策网络理论视角研究公民参与地方政府政策评估制度,有利于完善公民参与政策评估的制度环境,积极推进公民参与政策评估,促进地方政府政策评估工作顺利开展,提高地方政府政策评估的能力.