当前我国“协商民主”理论研究现状综述

近年来,协商民主理论成为我国理论界研究的一个热点。本文通过对协商民主的内涵、理论渊源、价值与局限性、在我国的适用性与发展前景等方面的综述,试图理清协商民主理论的研究现状,旨在对协商民主理论在我国的进一步研究有所帮助。     

民主视阈下的行政听证制度

参与式民主是行政听证制度的理论基石之一,它在听证制度的代表性、行政听证的范围上等为行政听证制度的发展和改革提供全新的视角。我国行政听证制度的建构和完善虽然在一定程度上提升了行政机关决策的公开性和透明度,但仍存在着诸如行政听证制度主体代表性和公开性不足、适用范围狭隘、主体地位不平等等众多缺陷。行政听证制度的完善有赖于国家与社会关系的调整,需要激发新闻媒体活力并扩大听证范围。     

张君劢宪政民主思想的成熟（1944-1969）

1940年代后期,张君劢主导了<中华民国宪法>的设计和制定,大致从这一时期开始至晚年,人权保障、人的问题逐渐成为其政治思考的基点,明确提出了人权为宪政、为民主政治之基本的看法.从张君劢关于人权、宪政的基本观念以及他对中国的宪政之路的思考中我们可以清晰地看到:以"消极自由"和人权保护为基础的宪政民主观念,在其思想中已经臻于成熟和稳固.     

网络时代影响社会政治稳定的若干问题分析

网络使社会信息资源得到最大限度的共享,在给人类带来巨大利益和愉悦的同时,也成为影响社会政治稳定的重要平台和工具:网络渗透使我国意识形态安全面临新挑战;网络舆论成为影响政治决策的民意表达新渠道;网络参与使传统政治参与体制面临新挑战;网络恐怖主义是影响政治稳定的恐怖主义新形式。     

Network Politics,Political Capital,and Democracy

Abstract

Is network politics a good or a bad thing for democracy? Seen from a narrow perspective of democracy the answer is clear. It is a bad thing. However, seen from broader perpsective the answer is more complex since it does not only focus on the preservation of representative democracy but also on the promotion of organizational democracy in civil society and on the enhancement of the citizens' political capital, that is their endowment, empowerment and political identity. The complexity of the relationship between democracy and network politics is apparent in a case study of political decision making in Skanderborg, a small town in Denmark.     

Reduction of socio‐economic injustice: Four scenarios to the year 2001

This empirical study is a continuation of the Limits‐to‐Violence project started in 1975 by the Canadian Peace Research Institute. The LIV project sought to model three kinds of violence‐civil war, international war, and socio‐economic injustice‐in an effort to limit global violence in the future.

The research reported here is concerned with reducing socio‐economic injustice, or so‐called “structural” violence. Four scenarios are calculated for the years 1973–2001. No. 1 is a “Status quo” model based on a slow growth or stagnant world economy, where in addition no attempt is made to reduce the gap between the rich and poor nations of the world. Scenarios Nos. 2–4 are different variations of a swords‐into‐ploughshares program where steady global disarmament and massive foreign aid proceed together over the 1982–2001 period. Four Tables and six Figures help to illustrate what is possible.     

Avoiding the internet of insecure industrial things

Security incidents such as targeted distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks on power grids and hacking of factory industrial control systems (ICS) are on the increase. This paper unpacks where emerging security risks lie for the industrial internet of things, drawing on both technical and regulatory perspectives. Legal changes are being ushered by the European Union (EU) Network and Information Security (NIS) Directive 2016 and the General Data Protection Regulation 2016 (GDPR) (both to be enforced from May 2018). We use the case study of the emergent smart energy supply chain to frame, scope out and consolidate the breadth of security concerns at play, and the regulatory responses. We argue the industrial IoT brings four security concerns to the fore, namely: appreciating the shift from offline to online infrastructure; managing temporal dimensions of security; addressing the implementation gap for best practice; and engaging with infrastructural complexity. Our goal is to surface risks and foster dialogue to avoid the emergence of an Internet of Insecure Industrial Things.     

International Best Practice and the Constitution,Democracy and Rights Commission

The UK government has pledged to establish a Constitution, Democracy and Rights Commission. This body will have a wide remit to recommend potentially sweeping constitutional change. This article draws on international experience and best practice to outline how the commission might best organise the process to produce proposals which are widely supported, fit for purpose, and durable. We argue that to achieve these goals the commission’s organisation should reflect three key principles: impartiality, expertise, and public participation. This would reflect international best practice and build on recent domestic developments. We argue that these principles can best be achieved if the commission works through a citizens’ assembly that combines members of the public with party politicians. This would be a new departure for the UK, but a necessary one given the scale of the government’s constitutional reform agenda, and its stated goal of restoring public trust in politics.     

Electoral incentives and distributive politics in young democracies: Evidence from Chile

How do electoral incentives and institutional constraints vary as democracies consolidate? Are incumbents more inclined to behave opportunistically during transitions, or when the rules of the game are well established? Using Chile as a case study and exploiting panel data on public works investment at the municipal level, the article examines if the strategies to obtain electoral rewards have changed over time. From the first democratic elections and until the constitutional reforms of 2005, those municipalities where the coalition government won in national and local elections were systematically privileged before municipal polls. After the reforms, we find no sign of partisan preference but investment kept on rising during ballot years, indicative of the persistence of political budget cycles. Indeed, we identify stronger cycles as democracy was consolidated. The article concludes discussing the role played by institutional constraints and incentives shaping distributive politics.     

孙中山与蒋介石地方自治思想的差异

孙中山的地方自治思想与蒋介石的地方自治思想在本质上是不同的。从两者地方自治思想的来源看 ,孙中山的地方自治思想 ,是欧美、日本等资本主义国家地方自治制度和思想的中国化 ,而蒋介石的地方自治思想是中国封建主义独裁专制思想的再现和加强 ;从两者推行地方自治的目的来看 ,孙中山追求的是“四万万人都是皇帝”的民权社会 ,而蒋介石只想恢复周代的宗法纲常 ;从两者在地方自治实施的具体措施上看 ,也有本质区别。总而言之 ,前者是民主的、反专制的 ,而后者是专制的、反民主的