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151.
Karen Struening 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(3):241-259
The dominance of social science research in the debate over the Bush Administration’s Healthy Marriage Initiative may explain why questions regarding the proper role of government in regulating adult intimacy have received little attention. Social science research focuses on outcomes such as well-being and health. In contrast, rights-based legal theory considers whether state action undermines the rights of individuals. In this article, I intend to shift the debate over marriage promotion policy from questions of child well-being to questions of individual rights. I will ask the following questions: Do individuals have a liberty interest in making their own choices about intimate relationships, such as marriage? Do federally-financed (and frequently state-run) marriage programs compromise this liberty interest? Are there any constitutional grounds for objecting to marriage promotion policy? 相似文献
152.
James Woodall Nick de Viggiani Rachael Dixey Jane South 《Criminal Justice Studies》2014,27(1):114-132
The majority of prisoners are drawn from deprived circumstances with a range of health and social needs. The current focus within ‘prison health’ does not, and cannot, given its predominant medical model, adequately address the current health and well-being needs of offenders. Adopting a social model of health is more likely to address the wide range of health issues faced by offenders and thus lead to better rehabilitation outcomes. At the same time, broader action at governmental level is required to address the social determinants of health (poverty, unemployment and educational attainment) that marginalise populations and increase the likelihood of criminal activities. Within prison, there is more that can be done to promote prisoners’ health if a move away from a solely curative, medical model is facilitated, towards a preventive perspective designed to promote positive health. Here, we use the Ottawa Charter for health promotion to frame public health and health promotion within prisons and to set out a challenging agenda that would make health a priority for everyone, not just ‘health’ staff, within the prison setting. A series of outcomes under each of the five action areas of the Charter offers a plan of action, showing how each can improve health. We also go further than the Ottawa Charter, to comment on how the values of emancipatory health promotion need to permeate prison health discourse, along with the concept of salutogenesis. 相似文献
153.
KIRSI YLI-KAITALA 《Journal of Political Marketing》2014,13(1-2):127-151
This article presents a case study of a movement for democratic change in Egypt. In particular, it reviews the uses of social media that helped to facilitate the revolution that led to the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak's regime in February 2011. It looks at the movement in Egypt and the uses of social media from the perspective of public diplomacy, particularly in the context of U.S. efforts to drive public opinion in the Middle East. It reviews how the groups and individuals considered instrumental in the events that led to Mubarak's resignation are connected to the actors in U.S. “democracy promotion.” The article further discusses how social media, by dint of its characteristics, conveniently lends itself to democracy promotion. It highlights the risks involved in an instrumental approach to democracy promotion that treats the tools of social media as means to effect immediate policy gains country by country. 相似文献
154.
155.
This paper explores the feasibility of using social surveys to detect electoral manipulation in authoritarian regimes. It compares official results from the July 2013 elections in Zimbabwe with findings from a nationally representative pre-election survey. The comparison confirms that the dominant incumbent party won the elections but by far smaller margins than officially reported. This discrepancy provides analytic leverage to identify the possible presence of coercive mobilization and vote suppression and to pinpoint their geographic location. The election results are re-estimated using a set of voting simulations based on novel proxy indicators and an original list experiment designed to reveal the political preferences of fearful voters. The paper concludes by discussing why autocrats manipulate elections and whether or not they succeed in their objectives. 相似文献
156.
《北京周报(英文版)》2014,(23):39
正109.2 bln yuan The value of bonds that 10 local governments will issue this year under a trial program1.76 tln yuan Total profits of industrial enterprises from January to April,an increase of 10 percent year on year 相似文献
157.
Why would an autocrat want, or at least make it appear to want, to reduce election fraud? In recent years, non-democratic rulers have surprisingly begun to embrace fraud-reducing technologies, like web cameras or transparent ballot boxes. The reason for this is found in the relative ease by which one type of fraud can be replaced with another. With the help of new fraud identification techniques, I argue that the installation of web cameras in polling stations changes how fraud is conducted. Web cameras do not reduce fraud, but rather make certain blatant forms of fraud, like ballot box stuffing, more costly. Autocrats then substitute for other types of fraud, such as fabricating the vote count out of view of the cameras. 相似文献
158.
在汉语国际推广过程中应该对信息技术予以充分开发利用。文章提出电子题库建设的构想,讨论了对汉语教学与测试用电子题库的建设原则和未来电子试题库的基本功能,有助于今后在第二语言中更好地开展语言测试和多媒体教学。 相似文献
159.
"针对妇女的暴力"的法律概念化 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
文章从新修改的《妇女权益保障法》中涉及针对妇女暴力的几个法律行为入手,认为修法中虽用列举方式将针对妇女暴力写入法律,但却未对其进行法律概念化c(onceptualizatio),n导致有关概念的不确定,立法时已经留下未来司法的障碍。同时指出,将这些概念纳入专门法,是妇女立法推动的路径之一,但更重要的方面是推动针对妇女暴力概念进入主流立法,如此才能保障妇女权益的司法化。 相似文献
160.
周金堂 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2008,1(6):16-24
党的建设与党的事业是一个有机联系的整体。改革开放30年来的历史证明:一方面,全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程是支撑改革开放伟大事业不断取得进步与发展的关键和根本;另一方面,改革开放伟大事业为推进党的建设新的伟大工程提供了强大的生机、动力和宽阔的历史舞台。把党的建设新的伟大工程与改革开放伟大事业紧密结合起来,做到相互协调、相互促进,是发展中国特色社会主义事业的内在要求和必然选择。在新世纪新阶段继续推进改革开放伟大事业,必须以改革创新的精神全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程。 相似文献