全文获取类型
收费全文 | 275篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 79篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 46篇 |
外交国际关系 | 44篇 |
法律 | 36篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 55篇 |
综合类 | 13篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 19篇 |
2018年 | 20篇 |
2017年 | 22篇 |
2016年 | 22篇 |
2015年 | 15篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 49篇 |
2012年 | 44篇 |
2011年 | 4篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 7篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 10篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有283条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
271.
张道良 《湖南公安高等专科学校学报》2001,13(2):25-28
2 0世纪末 ,美国第四十三届总统选举大战 ,形如拉锯 ,激烈而滑稽 ;总统迟迟难产 ,实为当代世界历史的笑柄。 相似文献
272.
An important precondition of successful democratic consolidation is voters' confidence that political institutions do not abuse their privileged position of power. Seeking to identify variables that explain trust in political institutions, the paper tests different theories of institutional trust with individual-level survey data from Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Building on prior research, two competitive theories—the cultural and performance explanation—are identified and tested, while also controlling for the effects of party preference, ethnicity, and socio-demographic factors. The results show that both cultural and performance variables influence citizens' trust in political institutions. In other words, institutional trust depends on how much the individual trusts other people as well as on how well they believe the economic and the political system to function. Besides cultural and performance variables, most control variables also proved to be significantly associated with institutional trust, confirming the need to include correct control variables in models of institutional trust. 相似文献
273.
274.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):155-178
International relations scholars need to look beyond the national level because U.S. states and governors are increasingly important actors in world politics. One way to look at their international activities is by examining the ways in which U.S. states seek to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), just one research puzzle at the nexus of international relations and U.S. state politics, two fields that rarely talk to one another. After pointing out the gaps within theories from international relations and international political economy, this paper describes the evolving global roles of both U.S. states and governors and shows how U.S. states attract FDI through the use of their international offices and governor-led overseas missions. Empirical findings indicate that U.S. states' international offices and a higher level of economic interdependence help states attract FDI, and the paper argues that extension of institutional approaches from IPE may be valuable for future research about the international capabilities of subnational governments and their leaders. 相似文献
275.
个人国际法主体地位评析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
随着现代国际法的发展,国际人权保护领域、国际海洋法领域等出现了个人参与国际活动的现象。但是,无论是从国际法的定义、国际法主体的构成要素、还是从法律的最终目的、国际法的调整对象等方面分析,个人不能取得国际法主体地位,而只能是国际法的保护和惩治对象。不适当地扩大国际法主体的范围,把个人与国家相提并论,超越了当代国际关系的现实。 相似文献
276.
Tatiana R. Zaharchenko Gretta Goldenman 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2004,4(3):229-251
The signing of the 1998 UNECE Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-Making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters (Aarhus Convention) radically extended international law on transparency and accountability in environmental governance. For the countries of Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central Asia (EECCA) that have now ratified, the Convention could prompt profound democratic changes. This article, based on the authors' experiences, analyses changing cultures of governance in EECCA countries. The first so-called pillar of access to information sets in place rights that directly contradict the fundamental secrecy of the former Soviet Union countries. Some officials' reluctance to share environmental information may also be linked to the economic duress of the current transition period, where information may be an official's only asset. The second pillar of public participation also poses difficulties for officials for whom the highest praise is to be considered a professional. In their belief that no one knows better than they do, they are reluctant to spend time and resources to make decision-making transparent and to involve the public. The third pillar of access to justice breaks new ground for post-socialist countries still developing their judicial systems. Though several highly sophisticated NGOs have been successful in using courts, it remains difficult for an ordinary EECCA citizen to bring an environment-related legal action. Changing these attitudes and practices will be a long and troublesome process. The Aarhus Convention will not be truly implemented until openness, transparency and accountability in environmental decision-making become everyday habits. 相似文献
277.
本文主要通过对三峡库区农村老年移民状况的调查做简单分析,以便引起人们对库区农村老年移民这一特殊群体的关注,为进一步研究库区农村老年移民问题提供借鉴. 相似文献
278.
A Big Prince in a Tiny Realm: Smallness,Monarchy, and Political Legitimacy in the Principality of Liechtenstein
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Swiss Political Science Review》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Wouter P. Veenendaal 《Swiss Political Science Review》2015,21(2):333-349
The Principality of Liechtenstein challenges the prevailing view in political science that ‘small is democratic.’ Located in the heart of Western Europe, the Principality is ruled by a monarch with extensive political powers. The present article examines how the smallness of the Principality contributes to the maintenance of powerful traditional leadership, and which strategies are used to legitimize the Liechtensteiner system vis‐à‐vis its population. On the basis of interviews with Liechtensteiner respondents, it is found that the smallness of Liechtenstein contributes to the position of the monarchy due to (1) the lack of alternative sources of identification, (2) the perception of the Prince as a neutral arbiter standing above the quarreling political factions, and (3) the dominant cultural code that limits citizens' opportunities to criticize the monarchy. The article highlights several ways in which the Prince has sought to legitimize his own position, and to undercut the criticism against him. 相似文献
279.
States of Environmental Justice: Redistributive Politics across the United States, 1993–2004
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《政策研究评论》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
In the 20 years since a president committed federal government agencies to achieving environmental justice (EJ), states have been at the forefront of policy development. But states have varied in the nature and extent of their EJ efforts. We use Guttman Scaling to measure state EJ effort and test hypotheses regarding the relative importance of problem severity, politics, and administrative variables to variation in state policy development. Our analysis offers a novel characterization of state policy intensity and demonstrates its scalability. Income‐based problem severity, environmental group membership, and nonwhite populations were important predictors of state EJ policy intensity during our study period. The political geography of EJ policy also displayed a distinctive southern pattern and the EJ policy intensity model contrasted significantly with a model of environmental policy innovation. The findings suggest that state EJ politics are more indicative of redistributive policy than regulatory. 相似文献
280.