WTO体制中成员集团化趋向发展及中国的选择析论

多哈发展议程启动以来,成员集团化的趋向逐渐凸现并得到进一步强化,国家或地区的利益集团组合对多边贸易体制产生了深刻影响.主要谈判议题处于几大利益集团对峙的场域.国家利益集团化有利于集体优势的发挥,改变了谈判的传统格局,但同时也产生了新的问题.其生成机理是多层次的.中国的利益是多方面的,作为发展中国家,应当对此作出自己的战略选择及定位,进而更好地维护国家经济主权和经济权益.     

斯堪的纳维亚模式终结了吗？——论北欧国家的福利改革

福利社会的斯堪的纳维亚模式在许多年来被看成是"蒂特马斯典范"①,即对社会政策制度化再分配模式实施的范例.然而,最近的改革趋势对这一假设提出了挑战.除了诸如削减开支之类的规则变化外,其他的变化尽管很多,如1990年代制度设置和福利国家目标的改变等;尽管和十几年甚至二十多年前比,斯堪的纳维亚福利国家的特征弱化了,且该模式正在趋于欧洲化,但其主要变化仍只是对现有模式的局部修正,而不是完全趋同于欧洲社会模式,因而并不意味着这一福利模式的终结,它仍然还是独树一帜的.一些新因素的出现仅仅是欧盟内部福利模式发挥着作用的表征.     

Migration and public trust in the commonwealth of independent states

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the post-Soviet space has seen regional integration in the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The CIS while moribund has affected migration in the post-Soviet space. Despite its persistence and effect on migration, few studies have sought to explore public perceptions towards the CIS. We address this limitation by developing several arguments, anchored on the literature on public opinion and European integration, to explain how perceptions towards migrants and employment status affect public trust in the CIS. Our analyses make use of the sixth wave of the World Values Survey that includes seven CIS member-states and finds strong support for our hypotheses. Our contribution lies in the investigation of public attitudes in a non-EU setting while applying arguments from EU literature and the wide coverage of our study compared to the extant literature on the CIS and public opinion.     

宁夏清真产业发展现状与对策研究

近年来,宁夏的清真产业呈现出了良好的快速发展势头。但是,若将此产业放在国家级战略的重点产业和宁夏沿黄经济区支柱产业的视角来看,其发展规模、层次及后劲仍存在着诸多有待解决的难点问题,应从宏观、中观、微观等方面采取相应的对策统筹解决。     

Nigeria and South Africa: Collaboration or competition?

This article focuses on the dynamics of the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa, arguably the two most prominent states on the African continent. Each of the two states continues to make attempts at extending its hegemony beyond its respective sub-region to emerge as Africa’s foremost state. These efforts are not pursued in isolation, but affect their bilateral relations and are tied to the guiding principles of the national interest. Through data gathered from secondary sources, we analyse the trajectory of the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa, from the intensely politically contentious to the strongest of warm relations. In the final analysis, the article concludes that collaboration and competition are critical variables in the conduct of inter-state relations. Nigeria and South Africa have an historic opportunity to collaborate in the current period, in order to promote the general interest of the African continent in the international system. Will their respective pursuit of their own national interests encourage, or derail, this role?     

对领海中的外国船舶的管辖权

沿海国对领海中外国船舶的管辖权在国际习惯法中早已存在,并为1958年《领海与毗连区公约》和1982年《联合国海洋法公约》所确认。本文主要通过剖析两公约的有关规定来系统论述这一问题,以求为我国海洋立法工作有所贡献。     

Comparing colonial differences: Baltic literary cultures as agencies of Europe’s internal others

ABSTRACT

The article discusses the Baltic colonial experience in historical and comparative perspective. It sketches the ways in which Baltic societies are best linked to theoretical discussions on postcolonial issues, and whether they might be looked upon in a more global context. The main question posed by the article is in what ways Baltic identity has been determined by processes of foreign settlement, occupation and colonization of the territory of each respective country and whether we can see Baltic societies as potential agencies of Europe’s internal others.     

Liberalism and geopolitics in EU–Russia relations: rereading the “Baltic factor”

Contrary to some expectations, the Baltic states’ accession to the EU in 2004 was not followed by an improvement in their relations with Russia. Instead, the Baltic states became known as the “troublemakers” of EU–Russia relations. This was commonly explained by their history and national identity, which contributed to an understanding of the Baltic concerns as marginal. The Ukraine crisis brought a reaction of “I told you so” by the Baltic states that for many years had been warning the West about Russia’s expansionist ambitions. This article explores the ideational underpinnings of the gap between the Baltic states’ perceptions of and relations with Russia on the one hand and mainstream views in Europe on the other. It identifies liberal interdependence, democratic peace, and realist geopolitics as key ideas that have framed the EU’s and Baltic states’ perceptions of Russia. In the vein of constructivist foreign policy analysis, these ideational structures are seen to condition the EU’s and Baltic states’ interests and policies vis-à-vis Russia. An analysis of the “Baltic factor” helps to illuminate the contradictions and shortcomings in the EU’s Russia policy and review its ideational basis which is now in need of a strategic rethink.     

The technological gap: Proposals and documents

ABSTRACT

The gap between discourse and practice which has so far prevented the EU and China from implementing the ambitious security agenda developed within the framework of their strategic partnership is caused by two main sets of impeding factors: practical, stemming from existing policies, and normative, deriving from fundamental divergences regarding the nature of an actor’s role in the international arena. Moreover, obstacles to EU-China security cooperation also stem from and are magnified at the EU member states level. Key member states lack normative and practical synergy in their understanding of security policy and the role the EU and China play in it, thus severely complicating any attempt at bridging the discourse/practice gap.