部门间协作网络的结构及影响因素——以S市市域社会治理现代化试点为例

基层是国家治理体系中的重要一环,在社会治理的过程中,属地化的管理制度容易造成上级部门向基层的推责,基层部门往往面临资源缺位,责大权少的问题.部门间协作网络提供了弥合条块间资源缺位、权责错位的有效路径.通过对协作网络内生性结构与外生性节点属性的剖析发现,协作网络形成了以基层为主轴,条块部门结对的多部门协同网络结构,在协作...     

Transdisciplinary innovation research in Uzbekistan – one year of ‘Follow-the-Innovation’

In 2008, a German-funded interdisciplinary research project in Khorezm province, Uzbekistan, initiated a participatory approach to innovation development and diffusion with local stakeholders. Selected agricultural innovations, developed by the project and identified as ‘plausible promises’, have since then been tested and modified accordingly by teams of researchers, local farmers and water users. This paper discusses the challenges faced in this process of joint experimentation and learning between researchers and local stakeholders whose behaviours, attitudes and actions are heavily shaped by the local context, academic discipline and hierarchical culture of knowledge governance.     

伪满洲国的中央银行制度

本文从伪满中央银行的产生、性质、职能角度研究伪满洲国的中央银行制度。伪满中央银行是在日本操纵下继承四行号业务基础上设立的,所谓"圆活金融、稳定币值、统治金融"不过是日本扩大对伪满洲国侵略与掠夺的手段与工具,其本质是实现日本的利益最大化。基于上述原因,伪满中央银行作为发币行和政府的银行之职能畸形膨胀,却无法承担集中存款准备、充当最后贷款人以及组织商业银行清算等"银行的银行"职能。     

拓宽学习视野 改善学习方法——对学习型党组织学习路径的思考

党的十七届四中全会在总结历史经验的基础上,提出"积极向书本学习、向实践学习、向群众学习"的要求,指明了建设学习型党组织的正确方向。建设学习型党组织,需要创新学习方法,把握全会提出的三种学习方式:一是向书本学习,坚定信念,立德储能;二是向实践学习,增长才干,历练作风;三是向群众学习,收获智慧,增进感情。     

联邦国家的中央与地方立法分权模式研究

联邦制的启示在于,要实现中央和地方关系的法治化,有必要从宪法上合理配置中央和地方的立法权。虽然联邦国家的中央和地方分权历经变迁,但还是有章可循,而联邦国家的立法分权模式为中国的中央与地方关系法治化提供了可资借鉴的经验。     

The Revolution and its Discontents: Grenadian Newspapers and Attempts to Shape Public Opinion during Political Transition

Abstract

What role did the newspaper play in attempting to influence public opinion in the early stages of the Grenada Revolution and what are the terms in which printed discourses on the revolution were conceptualised? The Grenada Revolution was a discursive political process where branding and narration were necessary elements in securing the revolution’s authority and legitimacy. This paper argues that Cuba functioned as a metonym through which the revolution was translated in Grenadian periodicals. Even before the coup of 13 March 1979 Grenadian media represented the New Jewel Movement—the revolutionary party—as Cuban-inspired and socialist. In order to examine how socialism in general, and the socialist character of the People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) in particular, was narrated, a comparison is staged between two newspapers—the government-run Free West Indian and the privately owned The Torchlight. Competing discourses on Cuban communism are analysed for the ways in which they stood-in for the Grenadian people’s hopes, aspirations and anxieties in the midst of radical political change. Issues including race, gender equality, property ownership, freedom of religious practice and freedom of travel are examined in relation to capitalism and socialism, and the PRG’s efforts to maintain narrative authority of the revolution.     

Developing Bureaucracies for Environmental Governance: State Authority and World Bank Conditionality in Laos

This paper considers the on-going production of bureaucracies for environmental governance in developing countries and the ways in which donor engagement is reshaped through localised bureaucratic dynamics. In Laos, World Bank conditions associated with the Nam Theun 2 hydropower project saw the establishment of the Watershed Management and Protection Authority (WMPA). I examine internal dynamics at the WMPA headquarters in Nakai District, including formal institutions for forest management, informal institutions for recognising local authority and wealth redistribution and the personal aspirations of WMPA officials. In doing so, this piece contributes to current discussions about donor-driven institutional change, practices of state-making and the local “technocrats” who are personally confronted by the complex intersections of donor conditionality and state authority.     

中央苏区时期共产国际与毛泽东的关系

大革命失败后,共产国际指导中国革命的方针是以城市为中心。城市工人运动屡屡受挫,毛泽东等创建的赣南、闽西根据地及其他根据地蓬勃发展,促使共产国际改变指导中国革命的战略方针,开始以加强红军和根据地建设为中心。毛泽东在中央苏区第一至三次反“围剿”战争中表现的卓越才能得到了共产国际的肯定,被认为是“有声望的领袖”。在毛泽东坚持正确主张而被“左”倾教条主义者指责为“右倾机会主义”时,共产国际进行了干预,要他们以同志式的态度对待毛泽东,同他密切合作。因此,毛泽东在中共六届五中全会上由四中全会时的政治局候补委员当选为政治局委员,在中华苏维埃共和国第二次全国代表大会上继续当选为中央执行委员会主席。尽管这时毛泽东没有实际权力,但他在中央苏区的地位和威望仍然存在。     

‘Done to death by father or relatives’: Irish families and infanticide cases, 1922–1950

In February 1929 the Bishop of Ossory commented on the fact that in Ireland illegitimate infants were often ‘done to death by father or relatives’ (Irish Catholic, 16 February 1929). There were many instances where family members of unmarried women who gave birth were the sole defendants or co-defendants in infanticide cases in post-independent Ireland. Although illegitimate infants were ‘done to death’ by their fathers in a number of cases that were tried at the Central Criminal Court in Dublin between 1922 and 1950, this article will focus on cases where infants were murdered or suspected of having been murdered by relatives of the birth mother both in the Twenty-Six Counties and in Northern Ireland (Irish Catholic, 16 February 1929). For the purposes of this article I have referred to the murder of illegitimate infants as ‘infanticide’ even though there was no separate charge of infanticide in the Irish Free State until 1949. The English infanticide acts of 1922 and 1938 also applied to Northern Ireland. This article discusses the motives of the relatives of single mothers who played a part in the deaths of illegitimate infants. Unmarried motherhood was severely frowned upon in Ireland and the relatives of single pregnant women assisted their female kin in destroying the evidence of extra-marital conception in order to protect the family's honour and moral reputation in the wider community. The records of infanticide trials provide a great deal of insight into the ways in which mainly working-class families dealt with the strain of pregnancy outside wedlock in Ireland between 1922 and 1950.     

International politics in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century central Asia: beyond anarchy in international-relations theory

Using historical analysis of relations between city-states and other international actors in Central Asia during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, this article evaluates new structural theories of international politics, chiefly those of David Lake and Jack Donnelly. Pre-colonial Central Asia offers a usefully tough case for structural theories, since it so little resembles the modern international order that these theories were developed to describe. Empirically, the article proceeds by evaluating the region's city-states' relations with three groups of actors: one another; neighbouring empires; and the many non-state actors present at the time. It concludes with an assessment of the merits of the new structuralisms, and a discussion of their value for constructivist international-relations theories of international change.