毛泽东对抗日根据地社会矛盾调处的理论贡献与现实意义

抗日战争时期,毛泽东创造性地提出民族斗争和阶级斗争一致性理论,为全党正确把握统一战线中独立与自主的关系提供了理论上的指导。依据这一理论,陕甘宁边区综合运用行政、政策、法律等手段,建立了一套较为完整的利益调节机制,为党解决抗日根据地社会矛盾提供了成功经验。     

党对新中国命名问题的探索

“中华人民共和国”这一国名,鲜明标示了新中国成立的划时代意义、新中国的国体和政体。它以党“建立一个真正的民主共和国”为历史逻辑起点,并在党对“中华苏维埃共和国”、“人民共和国”和“民主共和国”探索的基础上,经中国人民政治协商会议筹备会讨论协商、政协第一届全体会议正式确定。“中华人民共和国”国名虽无“民主”一词,却蕴涵着新中国人民民主的国家本质。     

“去中国化”的台湾中学历史教科书编纂

1987年“解严”后,台湾的历史研究逐渐渗入本土主体性问题。李、扁上台以后,开始有步骤地将其导入中学教育,并将台湾“本土主体意识”当做培养“台独意识”的工具,以台湾“教育部长”杜正胜提出的“同心圆理论”为依据,在1994年、2002年、2004年分别进行了“去中国化”的中学历史教育大变动。通过一系列压缩中国史、增大台湾史的教纲修汀,逐渐将中小学历史教科书中的“台湾史”与中国史分离开来,并将“台湾史”作为中小学历史教育内容的主体。这种隐匿着“台独”意洪的“青少年历史思想改造运动”,其最终目的是培养与形塑台湾青少年新的民族与国家认例。     

马克思主义民族发展理论在当代中国的实践与创新

民族发展理论是马克思主义民族理论的重要组成部分。新中国成立后,中国共产党和中国政府在社会主义革命和建设的实践中。继承和发展了马克思主义民族发展理论,经历了以政治平等为特征的发展理论——以经济建设为中心的发展理论——全面协调发展理论的演变过程,形成了具有中国特色的民族发展理论,极大地促进了少数民族现代化建设。     

中国共产党保持和弘扬艰苦奋斗精神的现实思考

在保持和弘扬艰苦奋斗精神过程中,坚持正确的指导思想和价值取向是思想理论基础;正确认识保持艰苦奋斗精神的现实意义是前提;赋予时代内涵是活力所在;采取一系列重要举措是根本保证;保持党的艰苦奋斗精神,还需要正确认识和处理好诸种问题。     

“80后”媒介形象研究初探——由大批判到盛赞的逆转

自上世纪90年代末期由《萌芽》杂志主办的“新概念”作文大赛引发“80后”文学现象后,经由媒体的不断报道引起社会广泛的关注与讨论,“80后”现象进入人们的视野,“80后”这一群体被贴上了诸多负面的标签,而最近的汶川大地震后媒体上出现了很多对“80后”的表扬和赞美,“80后”的媒介形象经历了由大批判到盛赞的逆转,本文对这一现象进行探讨,认为加之于“80后”群体上的标签是一种刻板成见,是媒体和社会的倭化使然,不应以一个统一的框架去定义和概括他们。     

China in Pacific Regional Politics

Abstract

Foreign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image.     

Elite interests and political participation in Botswana, 1966–2014

ABSTRACT

Botswana’s tiny economy is overwhelmingly government-driven and political participation, particularly on the side of the ruling party, is critical for one’s economic survival and prosperity. This has led to enduring intrigue and conflict among the country’s political power elite. Opposition party activists traditionally have embraced leftist policies and claimed to be representing the country’s poor and downtrodden while castigating the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (in power since 1966) of being pro-rich and politically connected business. Ironically, some members of the opposition elite also engage in business ventures with their ruling party counterparts. The scramble for economic opportunities has fuelled debilitating factionalism within both the ruling and opposition parties over the years. In some instances tribalism was mobilised in intra- and inter-party elections for positions of influence even though voters are more interested in service delivery than traditional ethnic issues. Our paper considers the question: ‘Whose interests do Botswana’s politicians represent?’     

Examining the Shift to Services: Malaysia and China Compared

ABSTRACT

When do countries that pursue industrialisation through the development of their manufacturing sector shift to services? Does the shift take place because manufacturing development has matured with the development of indigenous technology? What is the role of policy in this shift? Understanding this shift is crucial due to the changing nature and role of services in development and its association with deindustrialisation. This article seeks to compare Malaysia and China’s shift from manufacturing to services and the challenges and prospects of such a shift. The main findings indicate that Malaysia’s shift occurred earlier than China’s and was prompted by the failure of its manufacturing sector to deepen as it has not produced any world-class domestic technology firms. China’s more recent shift is associated with on-going upgrading in its manufacturing sector while some global domestic technology firms have also emerged. Both countries used similar policies to drive this shift in response to domestic and external changes. The services sectors of both countries are still dominated by domestic market orientated, labour-intensive services. Developing competitive knowledge-intensive services in both countries will need a reform of their state-owned enterprises and the production of more talents that are needed for these types of services.     

Chinese Nationalism and Trust in East Asia

ABSTRACT

China’s rise has been accompanied by a rise in nationalism. But what are the characteristics of this nationalism now being witnessed? Does it support China’s constructive engagement with the international order, or does it seek to assert China’s supremacy? These questions lie at the hub of a rapidly expanding secondary literature on the emergence of nationalism in China and its impact on China’s foreign relations. What is, however, absent from the academic discourse is the voice of the Chinese people themselves. What are their perceptions of the nation-state, and how do these beliefs shape their views of China’s relationship with East Asia? To address this gap, we conducted a series of large-scale surveys in Beijing between 2011 and 2013 on the twinned topics of domestic nationalism and international relations. Our findings, as reported below, represent an initial attempt to answer this final and, arguably, most critical set of questions.