Rethinking the urban and rural divide in Latino labor,recreation, and activism in West Michigan, 1940s–1970s

During the 1940s–1970s, Latino labor experiences could not be confined to either urban and industrial or rural and agricultural settings. Unlike large metropolises, Grand Rapids, Michigan is a mid-sized, Midwest city wherein the urban center and industrial labor opportunities are located within thirty miles of agricultural areas. I argue that Latinos in West Michigan used both rural and urban areas for labor to meet their economic and social needs. Due to the gendered realities of labor from the 1940s to the 1970s, women played an instrumental role in planning and executing the movement of their families between spaces. In turn, this community’s activism was not limited to the boundaries of urban or rural space. This research shows how Latinos etched out an economic and social survival in places wherein they are not the majority or have a plethora of resources. As the Latino diaspora spreads into areas in the southern United States, we can look to how Latinos in Grand Rapids and the Midwest lived and worked to better understand the lived experiences of twenty-first century Latinos.     

司法判决中的正当程序原则

在法律、法规和规章对行政机关应当遵循的程序没有明确规定的情况下,法院能否根据正当程序原则去审查行政行为的合法性,是观察当前中国司法的实际职能和法律发展的一个窗口。通过统计《人民法院案例选》上行政判决所用的法律依据,分析田永案件、刘燕文案件、张成银案件等十余个有关行政程序的代表性案例,结合对法官所做的访谈,可以发现,在过去十多年中,正当程序原则在司法审查中获得了比较广泛的认可,开始成为中国法律的一部分。这一事实显示了中国法院在相对局促的空间里的能动主义立场,以及由个案判决所推动的一种法律发展的特殊路径。     

Counterpublic and counterprivate: Zoe Leonard,David Wojnarowicz,and the political aesthetics of intimacy

In this paper we explore the space that dyadic intimacy plays within the counterpublic world-building of political activism. We reflect on a particular encounter between the artists and ACT UP activists Zoe Leonard and David Wojnarowicz by offering two readings of what we call the “counterprivate” relation between the two. In the first part of our argument, we contend that the counterprivate couple form (found in our case study of Leonard and Wojnarowicz) occasions a space of provisional leave from the normative affective, aesthetic, and identity-based impulses which tend to emerge in social movement group formation. Despite established critiques of the private, dyadic intimacy of the couple within social movement theory and queer and feminist cultural studies, we highlight the value of counterprivate couples – not in place of the collective world-building that is made possible by political organizing and collective identity, but as a necessary aesthetic complement to collective, participatory politics. In the second part of our argument, we read the intimacy between Leonard and Wojnarowicz as a private moment of expressed doubt that has subsequently been institutionalized into a public discourse through the context of art. Here the counterprivate couple form in turn becomes a counterpublic mode of collective world-making once more. This transformation from counterprivate relation to public discourse occasions a practice of collective subject formation (in the institutional terrain of art) that affirms doubt, curiosity, and poetic beauty as part of the reproductive labor involved in political participation.     

Women’s international Democratic Federation,the ‘Third World’ and the Global Cold War from the late-1950s to the mid-1960s

ABSTRACT

This article examines the work of the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF) with women from Africa, Asia and Latin America. It analyzes their role in the WIDF’s decision-making process and activities during a period marked by decolonization and the intensification of women’s rights activism outside Europe. This analysis contributes to a better understanding of the extent to which the WIDF’s official position on support for the rights of women in the Global South was translated into the practical work of organization. The article is based on materials from Moscow archives that have hitherto not been explored in research on the WIDF. It shows that, in spite of the WIDF’s formal anti-colonial stance, women from the Global South were not always given a voice or able to insert their demands into WIDF policy.     

行政法结构失衡与行政诉讼功能变迁——一个结构功能主义的维度

结构功能主义者视角中，结构是社会系统的框架模式，功能则体现为社会关系的实际运行，结构的变迁必会导致功能的调整。合作理念与公共治理模式的出现打破了传统行政法结构的平衡，在消极立法、积极行政的情境下，司法理应发挥利益协调的社会整合功能来缓解这一结构的紧张关系，以维系结构的适应能力。     

中国式司法能动主义的实用主义分析及评价——以陕西陇县“能动主义八四司法模式”为样本

以陕西陇县"能动主义八四司法模式"为代表的中国式司法能动主义在问题意识、主体、性质以及最高法院的功能定位上都与典型的英美式司法能动主义不同,其是一系列的理念、体制、机制和司法技术裹挟下的一种法律实用主义的反映,并且面临着高昂的运作成本,也很容易流变为政治话语乃至意识形态。     

论法院处理环境纠纷案件中的司法能动

司法能动是法院在案件审理中,不因循先例和遵从成文法的字面含义进行司法解释的一种司法理念以及基于此理念的行动。我国法院在发挥司法能动性,处理环境纠纷案件方面作出了大量努力,为经济社会发展提供了司法保障。但法院在发挥司法能动性处理环境纠纷案件中仍然存在较大的问题。解决这些问题,必须把握法院在环境纠纷案件处理中司法能动的向度,落实司法独立,引导法官正确行使自由裁量权,努力培养环境司法专业人才,发挥法官适用法律的能动性。     

民事既判力客观范围理论研究之反思——以明希豪森三重困境为分析工具

在大陆法系语境中,民事诉讼学者对于＂既判力是否及于判决理由＂的议题提出了众多精深的理论。然而这些学说并没有使我们对客观范围有了更清晰的认识,反而越发地迷失在明希豪森三重困境之中。走入困境的根本原因主要在于这些复杂的理论仍然建构在古典当事人主义的根基之上,固守司法克制的基本原则,而对法官司法能动性的积极功能认识不足。     

关于媒介素养教育作为性别平等倡导战略的研究

本文讨论了媒介素养教育运动对社会性别倡导的价值。根据以往研究发现,当媒介素养教育被引入中国时,其体现核心价值的再现政治以及增加批判的自主权以及公民社会的传播权利等被消弱了,并呈现出社会性别的盲点,使本来赋权工人阶级、被压迫的妇女及其他弱势群体利益的媒介素养教育变成了降低其主体性的提高弱势群体素质的运动。本文分析了利用媒介素养教育运动推动社会性别平等面临的挑战,并提出了回应。     

ACTIVIST CRIMINOLOGY: CRIMINOLOGISTS’ RESPONSIBILITY TO ADVOCATE FOR SOCIAL AND LEGAL JUSTICE

Similar to many criminologists, my interest in pursuing this career was driven by a desire to improve responses to injustices, on both small and large scales. I believe that among criminologists, this dedication to effect changes in social and legal justice disproportionately drives those of us historically kept out of the academy due to our race, gender, class, sexual identity, and/or other marginalizations. Fortunately, there is a growing diversity among criminologists and this has had a powerful impact on expanding the scope and depth of the field. At the same time, I am concerned that academic training and university climates frequently work against our commitment to advancing social and legal justice changes, what I refer to as “criminology activism.” This address is a call to action, stressing criminologists’ responsibility to advocate for social and legal justice on small and large scales. Numerous types of criminology activism are identified (e.g., in research, service, and teaching), including the requisite to continue diversifying the representation of criminologists.