The House of Lords and the Northern Ireland Conflict – A Sequel

This article begins by commenting on an analysis undertaken by the late Stephen Livingstone of 13 cases relating to the troubles in Northern Ireland decided by the House of Lords between 1969 and 1993. It then attempts to repeat the analysis in respect of 12 such cases decided between 1994 and 2005. Areas of law arising for consideration during both periods include the rules on the use of lethal force, aspects of substantive criminal law and criminal procedure and the rights of persons arrested or imprisoned. The more recent cases also raise fundamental questions concerning the status and meaning of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. The article concludes that there has been a sea-change in the way the Law Lords have handled the Northern Irish cases. From treating them in a way which might have suggested a built-in bias in favour of police, army and government perspectives, they have moved to analysing the competing arguments in the light of more modern approaches to statutory interpretation, the rule of law and human rights.     

反对解释的场景及主体

反对解释是法治社会的一个原则。这一原则强调,对明确的法律规范,尤其是强制性法律规范,法官等法律人应该直接认定其意义并加以贯彻,而不能解释,尤其不能过度解释。反对解释的场景是个审判等活动“语境”的问题,但由于场景都是片断,因而难以从理论上系统叙述,所以,我们只是把场景作为思考的起点和归宿,在法治理念下叙说反对解释的一般要求。我们相信,法制要求人们对法律规范的固有意义保持克制,要求尊重法律的权威。能动主义是一种克服司法机械的思路。司法能动主义者几乎把严格等同于机械。但法制恰恰是因为有了适度严格才显示其魅力,如果到处能见到灵活那就不可能有法制。近百年来,几乎所有的法学都围绕着维护或破除法律的严格(或机械)而展开。但从法制基本教义看,司法克制主义是主流,而能动主义只能在克服法律过于死板,或协调法律与社会正义的严重冲突时才显现其功用。反对解释的主体是所有的适法人员,对不同的主体有不同的要求。     

刑法目的解释的作用、边界及规制

刑法目的解释的存在根据包括理论与实践两个层面。在刑法解释体系中,目的解释不能简单定位为辅助作用或决定作用,应具体问题具体分析。目的解释边界的厘定与文义解释有关,也与历史解释、体系解释有关。目的解释主要局限在法律疑难情况下适用,且目的解释常与非规范因素相联系,所以应从实体规范、司法程序及司法技术等角度对该法律方法进行规制。     

中国能动司法的内在动因

中国能动司法的背后具有特定的动机、目的。能动司法的动机可分为：主导动机与非主导动机、外部动机与内部动机、近景动机与远景动机，其动机特征呈现应急性和特殊性。能动司法的目的可分为：短期目的与长期目的、政治目的与法律目的、初级目的与高级目的，其目的具有短期性和政治性特征。因此，能动司法的意义是有限的。它只是提出了中国司法裁判中能动性或灵活性与确定性之间的关系问题；彰显了法律实用主义的司法观念；成为中国“大立法时代”结束及“大司法时代”到来的一个信号。中国司法的真正希望不仅在于是否能动司法，还在于是否全面、深入的司法制度改革。     

民事法官能动性:权利保障与权力回应——兼析规则与法官能动性共生的民事司法模式之构建

民事法官所享有的依法合理解释、平衡、选择法律以及填补法律缺漏的特有能动性是两大法系国家的一致选择。审视我国法官能动性所经历的严苛限制、悄然使之到日益凸显的过程,揭示了处于经验层面的法官能动性的失范现象及其主要根源。为确保法官能动性应有功效的发挥,我们应着力从核心理念、追求目标、基本原则、明析规则、技术规范和配套措施等方面构建具有中国特色的法律规则与法官能动性共生的民事司法运作模式,以强调法律解释和辩证推理等司法技术在解决法律确定性弱化问题的功用时,克服逻辑推演的局限性,实现民事诉讼之目的。     

论司法能动主义的基础

司法能动主义强调法官的能动性,认为法官可以超越成文法和先例的约束进行司法解释,以法官自己对宪法的理解来代替立法、行政机关的决定。司法能动主义有着深厚的理论与现实的基础,其法哲学基础是新原意主义,宪政基础是共和主义,而现实依据则包括法官自由裁量权、行政权的扩张、自治法向回应法的转变等。     

能动司法背景下的法律方法诉求

近年来,能动司法成为法学界的一个研究热点,本文通过探讨我国能动司法与美国司法能动主义的区别,阐述我国的能动司法不是简单的裁判理念,而是一种政治型能动政策。理想的司法能动是功能上的能动与方法上克制的统一,当前我国的能动司法属于政策推动性质,缺乏对能动的应有规范,而法律方法恰好能从有效性和正当性方面对司法活动予以必要的规制,因此也就成为当前我国能动司法的必然诉求。     

能动司法的宪法界限

当下中国的能动司法不同于西方的司法能动主义,其理论表达和实践形态呈现出多样性和复杂性。各地区、各层级人民法院的积极实践,使得能动司法遍地开花。但是,能动司法也应有必要的限度。我国现行宪法规定,＂中华人民共和国人民法院是国家的审判机关。＂这就要求能动司法在展开的同时,注意人民法院是国家的,而非地方的,以防出现司法地方化的问题;注意人民法院是专司审判职能的审判就关,而非履行其他职能的国家机关,以免能动司法变成了＂盲动司法＂。     

Count us! Ethnic Activism in South-Eastern Estonia,and the Census of 2011

The ethnic activists of south Estonia (the Seto and Võro movements), challenging traditional concepts of the Estonian nation, tried to exploit the last national census (2011) for their cause, but were only partly successful because of opposition from decision-makers at Statistics Estonia, who have demonstrated a spontaneous conservatism in regard to questions of ethnicity and language. The government’s response to the initiatives of the ethnic activists was inconsistent, passive, and reactive. This matter has simply not been thought through at the state level.     

Kenya's political ‘transition’ through the eyes of its ‘foot soldiers’ for democracy and human rights (1997–2012)

This is a study of young human rights activists who provide a unique window on Kenya's recent and turbulent political history (1997–2012). The period includes the end of authoritarian rule and election of a ‘reform’ government in 2002 that expanded some human rights but abused others. Based on archival materials and periodic, multiple interviews by the author with key youth activists, the findings make three contributions to the study of human rights and democracy. First, it identifies the often overlooked role of secondary level activists in a human rights/democracy social movement, the so-called ‘foot soldiers’. Second, it explores the failure of Kenya to consolidate its democracy and quell police violence, including the assassination of two human rights investigators, an event which sent a chill through the activist community. Third, by tracing the trajectory of some ‘foot soldiers’ during this period, the study confirms a theory of a cycle of social movement activism but suggests modifications.