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121.
李定平 《中共山西省委党校学报》2013,36(3):30-33
改革开放以来,面对不断变迁的社会结构和充满挑战的外部环境,我党一直在进行着适应性变革。党内巡视制度的建立符合政党适应性的要求,可以消解党适应性变革中社会基础扩大给党执政带来的影响,是提高党的建设科学化水平的重要一环。从政党适应性视角看,党内巡视制度面临一些挑战,包括存在陷入"钱穆制度陷阱"的可能,存在信息化时代的挑战,对巡视制度的理论研究尚显薄弱,等等。因此,应加强党内监督制度体系建设,坚持群众路线,通过改革的进一步深入完善党内巡视制度,从而提高政党适应性。 相似文献
122.
Term Lynn Corn Well 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2013,43(1):37-46
Abstract The following legislative summary is an unusual choice for the journal to print, but we feel it summarizes a number of disparate and important facts that our readers might value in a single source. Like a previous report of the Institute of Museum Services some issues ago, this summary is more an internal document than an article in the traditional sense. We feel it could use a broader dissemination. Of particular interest are the changes in legislation for the Arts and Humanities Reauthorization FY 1986–1990 since they reflect policy-related decisions that are perhaps a microcosm of some of the major issues emerging during the twenty-year history of our National Endowments for the Arts and Humanities. These changes also reflect problems that practitioners—in particular, arts managers—will be dealing with on a daily basis and in very specific terms over the next half decade. These include access to the arts and humanities for those people in rural areas and in underrepresented groups, greater restrictions for those who sit in judgment on their peers, either on the National Council or as panelists, and a mandate for stronger reporting procedures both before and after grant awards. The summary of the 1986 Tax Reform Act Provides a quick review of a Subject that is already emotionally chrged, especially since, in the name of “tax simplification,” confusion seems to have increased in the minds of all but a few seers and interpreters. The public laws section and the list of pending legislation will give the reader a broad view of the kinds of advocacy concerns the arts community can rally around. From the National Anthem to copyright to issue of violence on television, the Congressional Arts Caucus has provided us with an important overview of legislation in the field. 相似文献
123.
Thomas Däubler 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(4):435-457
In parliamentary systems, why do party groups of the government camp initiate their own bills instead of going through the cabinet? This article suggests that such governing party group bills occur for three reasons: (a) cabinets hand out bills to the parties on the floor; (b) party groups or MPs want to signal to constituencies; or (c) parties on the floor are dissatisfied with cabinet policy making. Arguing that the absolute and relative importance of these explanations varies with institutional context, country-specific hypotheses with regard to the number of governing party group bills in Germany are tested. As expected, mechanisms (a) and (c) are especially important in explaining the occurrence of governing party group legislation in Germany. 相似文献
124.
Motivated by theories of congressional committees in the US context, and building on the growing body of work focusing on the institutional features of legislatures in Latin American presidential systems, this paper explores two previously overlooked aspects of committee politics. Using comparative data from three Latin American countries, it examines the strategic and jurisdictional dynamics in which chamber leaders assign bills to committees and then investigate the factors affecting presidential and partisan success within committees. In general, the authors find that committees have strong property rights and that characteristics of both bills and bill initiators strongly influence the survival of legislation in committee. The results shed light on the effects of institutional design on the policy process in presidential systems. 相似文献
125.
Ana Maria Belchior 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(1):121-142
Do European political parties represent the ideology of their voters well? This research aims to provide an empirical appreciation of the levels to which Members of Parliament (MPs) ideologically represent their electorate within political parties in 12 European countries. The variable used is left–right self-placement and representation is measured through congruence. Three main hypotheses are tested. First, MPs express greater ideological extremism than voters. Second, MPs have biased perceptions on the positioning of their electorate. Third, New Left parties exhibit higher levels of representation than the other parties. This article's findings reveal that only the second hypothesis can be supported without restrictions. 相似文献
126.
James Gomez 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(4):591-612
While “new media” have substantially altered the landscape for information dissemination and social mobilisation, these media are neither all alike in their ideological leanings or intentions, nor independently capable of identity transformation and mobilisation. The paper explores these new media in the context of Malaysia since the late 1990s. It differentiates among news sites and organisational websites, which transmit (often previously proscribed) information to domestic and foreign audiences, with potentially significant effects on “civicness” and mobilisation; blogs, which tend to be primarily personalised, monological and often unfiltered; and social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter, which have eroded the anonymity of online interaction but represent the apex of self-selected communities. “Old media” still populate this landscape as well, from newspapers and other media sources, to public lectures, to leaflets and other ad hoc publications. Even apart from common caveats as to who has access, criteria for evaluation of these new and old media as tools for political change must vary, including differing degrees of information-provision and edification, interest articulation and aggregation, and transformation of collective identities so as to enable new patterns of mobilisation for collective action. 相似文献
127.
Gideon Rahat 《政治交往》2013,30(1):65-80
The relationship between the United States and Iran has had an important influence on world affairs during the past two decades. Accordingly, the U.S. news media have an instrumental role in portraying U.S.‐Iran relations to the public. The Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis of 1979–1981, the TWA hijacking of 1985, the Irangate controversy of 1986–1987, and the Persian Gulf War of 1990–1991 are examples of important media events that have impacted public opinion regarding U.S. policy toward Iran. This research analyzes government and print media portrayals of the Reagan administration's U.S.‐Iran policy during Irangate. Results supported the prediction that the print media would fulfill their “watchdog” function by providing more critical portrayals of the United States' policy toward Iran than the Tower Commission Report, an investigative document published by President Reagan's Special Review Board. Among the three leading newspapers analyzed, there was significant diversity in the reporting of U.S.‐Iran relations. Results indicate the Reagan administration's attempt to “spin” its version of Irangate did not successfully pressure the media to neglect their watchdog role. Although the Tower Commission Report was less critical of U.S. policy toward Iran than the print media, all four print media sources portrayed the Reagan administration's policy as a flawed approach that degenerated into trading arms for hostages. Implications of these findings for future research are discussed. 相似文献
128.
Andrew Chadwick 《政治交往》2013,30(3):283-301
This article summarizes a study of 37 televised debates on political issues in Denmark, conducted live before representative audiences, with polls on the issues before and after each debate. These debates are of interest to research because they were authentic, and they supply data indicating persuasive effects. Various rhetorical features were observed and related to debaters success in attracting votes. In a qualitative interpretation of the observations, we suggest that debates such as these are likely to be won by debaters whose argumentation is fair and thoughtful. Audiences may respond differently depending on whether they are voters or merely viewers. The debate format may enhance such a response, for the benefit of the democratic process. 相似文献
129.
W. LANCE BENNETT 《政治交往》2013,30(2):131-138
American journalists filter the world of politics through a set of presuppositions about what politics is and should be. Listing seven presuppositions that undergird political reporting, this article illustrates the “Progressive Era” framework through which U.S. journalists understand politics. The article concludes by identifying several alternative visions of politics and suggests that in practice journalism is sometimes broader in its understanding of politics than a Progressive Era vision would anticipate. 相似文献
130.
The real test of the British Labour Party's new orientation to Europe will be its policy on economic and monetary union (EMU). This article analyses Labours political economy in relation to European integration and to the management of the currency, and how the intersection of these two have produced four distinctive approaches to EMU within the party. It assesses the stance of new Labour towards EMU in the context of this internal Labour Party debate as well as in the wider context of European social democracy. 相似文献