中外新约与民国涉外司法审判制度的变革

1840年鸦片战争以后,列强通过不平等条约攫取在华领事裁判权,严重破坏了中国独立的的司法主权。自清末以降,政府和民众为争取国家司法主权的完整进行了不懈的努力。南京国民政府时期,尤其是在第二次世界大战中,中国加大了维护司法主权的外交斗争力度。以1943年与美英两国订立新约为标志,最终实现了百年来废除中外不平等条约的愿望,终结了外国人在华领事裁判权及相关特权。以此为契机,我国涉外司法审判制度也发生了重大变革。对于中国而言,这无疑是分享世界反法西斯战争胜利成果,融入战后国际新秩序的开端。     

《身见录》与《海国闻见录》之比较

鸦片战争以前中国人对世界的认识十分贫乏。康熙六十年（1721），山西人樊守义著《身见录》。雍正八年（1730），福建人陈伦炯著《海国闻见录》。这是18世纪上半叶中国人开眼看世界的珍贵文献。有必要从作者身世、写作背景、撰著经过、写作目的、内容特色等方面，对这两部书进行比较分析。     

Beyond Weber: Conceptualizing an alternative ideal type of bureaucracy in developing contexts

The study of public administration in developing countries requires that we look beyond the Weberian model as the only ideal type of bureaucracy. When we assume that there exists only one gold standard of public administration, all other organizational forms that do not conform to the Weberian ideal are dismissed as corrupt or failed. Drawing on neo‐institutional economics, I introduce an alternative ideal type of bureaucracy found in contemporary China. This model, which I call bureau‐franchising, combines the hierarchical structure of bureaucracy with the high‐powered incentives of franchising. In this system, public agencies can rightfully claim a share of income earned to finance and reward themselves, like entrepreneurial franchisees. Yet distinct from lawless corruption, this self‐financing (or prebendal) behavior is sanctioned and even deliberately incentivized by state rules. Although such a model violates several Weberian tenets of “good” bureaucracy, it harnesses and regulates the high‐powered incentives of prebendalism to ameliorate budgetary and capacity constraints that are common in developing countries like China.     

Child Trafficking,Child Soldiering: exploring the relationship between two ‘worst forms’ of child labour

While it may be intuited that human trafficking is an ineluctable component of the child soldiering experience, very little research exists to illustrate the tangible connections between these two ‘worst forms’ of child labour. The extent to which common reception points for trafficked children—such as slave-owning households, religious boarding schools and brothels—double as profitable reservoirs for recruiting commanders remains entirely unknown. Likewise, despite the clear financial incentive that some erstwhile commanders might have to traffic their former child combatants into civilian slavery, the prevalence of such practice is unknown. The purpose of this article is to delineate some of the most conspicuous academic gaps pertaining to the intersection of child trafficking and child soldiering.     

EU Counterterrorism and the European Neighbourhood Policy: An Appraisal of the Southern Dimension

Terrorists trained on European soil, but originating from the Middle East, attacked the world's only superpower on September 11, 2001. Countering this terrorist threat has become an increasingly significant part of European Foreign Policy. At the same time, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has become an increasingly important dimension of European Foreign Policy. This article examines the extent to which counterterrorism has occupied a prominent place in the ENP, with a particular focus on the Southern Mediterranean ENP partners. The findings of this article suggest that, despite the commonly held view in the literature that security issues, in particular terrorism, have dominated the ENP agenda, counterterrorism cooperation between the European Union (EU) and its Southern Mediterranean ENP partners has not advanced as much as might have been expected.     

Remittances and varieties of democratization in developing countries

ABSTRACT

How do remittances affect democratization in developing countries? In this paper we reconcile divergent findings in the literature by examining the effect of remittances on procedural and liberal democracy in developing countries at various stages of their democratic development. Remittances are primarily sent to middle-class individuals and bypass government control. Yet, governments in countries receiving remittances want to tax this remittance income. Government officials therefore need to incentivize participation of the middle class in the formal economy by reducing the threat of expropriation. Improving procedural democracy, which assures citizens of improved property and rule of law protections, is one way to accomplish this. We argue that this relationship should only be present in mixed regime types, with the democratizing effect of remittances waning as the country’s level of democracy or autocracy strengthens. Further, we expect elements of liberal democracy, such as civil rights and equality under the law, to remain unchanged in all remittance-receiving countries. The middle class and governing elite are less incentivized to improve liberal democracy to limit the power and mobilization capacity of the poor and prevent increased redistribution. We test our theory on a dataset of developing countries from 1975 through 2011.     

Nordic Cooperation in Criminal Policy and Crime Prevention

The Nordic crime prevention councils have tried to articulate their common ideology as the ‘Nordic model’. However, Nordic crime prevention is neither theoretically nor methodologically particularly original. Its common characteristics are best understood against the background of a long‐standing Nordic cooperation in criminal policy and criminology and on the basis of cross‐national influences between historically interrelated and culturally relatively similar countries. The present study describes how crime prevention has developed and is organized in the Nordic countries. It describes cooperation between the national crime prevention councils and their common knowledge and value base. The Nordic countries can offer examples of successful crime prevention, but the fact that these societies with low repression are safe and perceived as safe can hardly be attributed solely to the activities of Nordic crime prevention.     

The Vodka Sea: Comparative History of Spirits Smuggling in the Baltic Sea

This paper examines the spirits smuggling in the Baltic Sea region in the inter-war period. On 1 June 1919 the Finnish Parliament passed the Prohibition Act forbidding the production, transportation, sale, and storage of alcohol which activated spirits smuggling to Finland. Large-scale spirits smuggling was arranged during Prohibition by criminal organizations through international networks. Mostly cheap German liquor was delivered to Nordic countries and to the United States. The representatives of organized crime in the Baltic Sea region became rich fast during Prohibition thanks to limits set by countries. Contemporary drug smuggling and spirits smuggling are comparable due to similar organizational structure and modus operandi.     

Second Elections and Democratic Consolidation: the Experience of Bhutan

This article examines the phenomenon of the second election after democratization in developing countries. Unlike the euphoria that often accompanies the immediate post-democratization election, the second election gives clear evidence of the progress of democratic consolidation or whether the new regime has incorporated authoritarian elements and become a hybrid. To measure the democratic gains or losses that are seen in the second election, an analytical framework has been adopted comprised of three dimensions: regularity, openness and acceptability. This framework is applied to Bhutan where the second election took place in 2013. The findings are that progress was made on all three dimensions of democratization in the election although some democratic shortfalls were still evident. For Bhutan, the overarching concern for political stability is seen to have greatly affected the design and implementation of its electoral system.     

The determinants of foreign direct investment inflows in the Central and Eastern European Countries: The importance of institutions

This study investigates the determinants of FDI inflows in six Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) by incorporating the traditional factors and institutional variables over the 1996–2009 period. The study identifies whether and how these determinant factors differ across four investor countries (EU-15, the US, China, and Japan). The results verify the positive and economically significant role of GDP size, trade openness, EU membership, and institutions (measured by economic freedoms, state fragility, political rights, and civil liberties indices) on FDI inflows. The results also reveal the existence of notable differences in the determinant factors across four investor countries.