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101.
经济增长与城市化水平高度正相关。山东省城市化进程促进了经济的成本节约,减少了劳动力资源的浪费,加大了劳动密集型的制造业的成本领先优势,有利于缩小城乡差距,同时带动了城市周边郊区、农村经济的进一步发展。 相似文献
102.
缪世淮 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2006,18(2):1-5
《治安管理处罚法》的颁布施行具有重要意义及突出特点,与《治安管理处罚条例》相比较,具有宽严更适度,管理更到位,处罚更规范,程序更严格,监督更有力等特点,该法新增加规定的内容,是对我国治安管理制度的重要发展和完善。 相似文献
103.
在西部大开发的现代化建设事业中,必须做到资源开发与环境保护并重,加强生态环境建设,维护生态平衡,严厉打击环境违法行为和犯罪活动,有效预防环境犯罪,走可持续发展的道路,履行全人类的共同责任。 相似文献
104.
和军 《云南警官学院学报》2002,(1):17-18
了解科学社会主义的创始人马克思、恩格斯是如何对待自己的社会主义理论的 ,了解马克思、恩格斯的社会主义思想中 ,其理论和观点据以得出的历史前提和理论条件 ,对于我们今天深刻认识和理解中国共产党人提出的建设有中国特色的社会主义理论 ,深刻认识和理解以江泽民同志为核心的党中央提出的“三个代表”的思想 ,深刻认识和理解我们党在现阶段的阶级基础和群众基础等理论和问题 ,具有重要的现实意义 相似文献
105.
106.
怎样科学地认识我国生产力跨越式发展问题--从马克思恩格斯的跨越理论谈起 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
生产力的发展是连续的、渐进的自然历史过程,但不排除发展中的间断性、反复性和跳跃性。我国生产力的发展状况,已经基本具备与当今世界先进生产力接轨的条件。但是必须注意生产力跨越式发展的限度、风险和不平衡问题。 相似文献
107.
Wendy Larcombe 《Feminist Legal Studies》2002,10(2):131-148
This article proposes that feminist legal critics need to be able to explain how some rape cases succeed in securing convictions.
The means by which rape cases are routinely disqualified in the criminal justice system have received widespread attention.
It is well established in feminist legal critique that female complainants are discredited if they fail to conform to an archaic
stereotype of the genuine or ‘real’ rape victim. This victim is not only morally and sexually virtuous she is also cautious,
unprovocative, and consistent. Defence tactics for discrediting rape testimony involve exposing the complainant's alleged
failure to comply with the sexual and behavioural standards of the normative victim.
This understanding of how rape complain(an)ts are disqualified is not predictive, however, of the complainants whose cases
succeed in securing convictions. This article reviews some successful Australian rape cases and considers the ways in which
they disturb feminist understandings of how rape complaints are discredited in the criminal justice system. It proposes that
recent research analysing the discourse of rape trials provides a way of explaining the apparent discrepancies between the
‘ideal’ rape victim and successful complainants.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
108.
ABSTRACTThis paper examines the Commonwealth’s inclusive role in engaging with the distinctive challenges of education provision in small states, an agenda that is often neglected elsewhere. We examine the origins of Commonwealth work on education in small states, the nature of its comparative advantage, its role in facilitating small states’ engagement with international education dialogue and regional co-operation, and the demand and potential for ongoing Commonwealth support for education. Particular attention is given to experience within the Caribbean region and to the potential for the Commonwealth and the wider international community to learn from small states in the light of their distinctive educational challenges, achievements and priorities – and, most notably, their experience at the ‘sharp end’ of environmental uncertainty and climate change. 相似文献
109.
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):79-98
ABSTRACTSince roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdo?an have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes. 相似文献
110.
Nil Mutluer 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):99-118
ABSTRACTThis article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions. 相似文献