从洋超市进入思考我国零售商业业态建设问题

洋超市进入我国市场对本土商业形成很大的冲击,但在这种情况下我们不能盲目模仿,而应该了解商业业态的内涵,积极学习外商经营精华,并根据我国的实际情况,因地制宜地构建我们自己的商业网络.     

Rising Damp in the Suburbs. Or ‘Whatever Happened to the Villa Tory?’

The suburban areas that were initially stereotyped in the late nineteenth century as ‘Villa Tory’ strongholds and exemplified by Hackney and Islington had, by the 1980s, become ‘bedsitter’ areas dominated by the political left. An examination of the evolution of electoral behaviour in these areas shows that conservatism did indeed dominate the villa suburbs, and that although there were previous intimations of decline, it was not until 1945 that Labour broke the Conservatives’ grip. The causes of this are identified as an outward movement of the population to interwar suburbia, the breaking up of villas into flats, and Labour's increasing appeal to middle class electors. In this category of seats, Labour has outperformed the party's national achievement consistently since 1955; the party's exceptional results here in the 2017 election are, therefore, a new peak on a long‐term trend rather than a breakthrough.     

中国PPP政策工具选择及其选择模式研究——基于中央政策的文本分析

为深入了解我国PPP政策工具选择现状,基于政策工具视角,采用文本内容分析方法,以中央政府层面(2013-2017年)颁布的PPP政策文本为分析对象,从政策工具、政策目标、项目生命周期三个维度构建了PPP政策三维分析框架。研究发现:PPP政策工具选择偏好明显,在基本政策工具维度上偏重环境型政策工具,政策目标维度偏重PPP模式推广和合作环境营造,项目生命周期维度偏重项目采购与执行;PPP政策工具选择模式明显,具体表现为两种模式四条路径。     

Social networks and mass media as mobilizers and demobilizers: A study of turnout at a German local election

This paper explores the impact of informal communication in voters’ social networks and the formal communication of the mass media on individuals’ propensity to take part in elections. Analyzing survey data from a recent local election in Germany it shows how both forms of communication may not only mobilize, but also demobilize voters. On the whole, personal communication appears more influential than mass communication. The media’s effects are generally weaker than those of social networks. Moreover, they are mediated by attitudes, while social networks have strong direct effects. These originate mainly from information conveyed through personal contact with voters and abstainers in one’s immediate social environment. Social voting norms are only influential, if they originate from persons’ families and are in favor of electoral participation.     

韩国的选举制度与政治体制

本文旨在分析韩国的选举制度如何加大了社会的不平等现象。1997年金融危机之后,韩国社会迅速走上两极化道路。本文分三个层次进行论述。一是简要介绍韩国的选举制度。这将作为支撑本文核心见解的框架。二是考察韩国选举制度导致的＂民心歪曲＂现象。三是探讨政治制度的党派特征。即使同为民主主义,但选择比例代表制还是多数制将决定其政策方向。最后,在结论部分中强调,若要使韩国的选举制度取得更加均衡的政治结果,就一定要取消现行多数制,采用比例代表制度。比例代表制将有助于实现得票和议席之间的均衡,并进一步创造平等的民主主义。     

试述公安警务指挥时间与指挥速率

公安警务指挥速率对提高公安快速反应能力具有重要的意义,公安警务指挥速率的核心是时间因素。因此,把握好时间因素是实现公安机关快速反应,打击违法犯罪,有效防范和维护社会和谐稳定的关键。本文围绕公安警务指挥时间的含义、构成和影响公安警务指挥时间的因素展开论述,揭示了公安警务指挥活动中,指挥时间、指挥周期和行动周期三者关系所体现的客观规律,提出了把握公安警务指挥时间,提高公安警务指挥速率的方法。     

经济增长方式转变、影响因素与“十二五”期间矛盾克服——马克思学派增长及周期模型与“十二五”期间的战略措施研究

该文依据马克思经济学的思维方式，通过建立起科学的经济增长与周期分析模型，分析了影响中国“十二五”期间经济的适度速度、波动区间及持续时间，规划时期内投资、消费与外贸等战略措施。     

Made in the USA? Immigrants' imported ideology and political engagement

This study explores both the extent to which immigrants' pre-migration ideological predispositions might serve as a heuristic, by which these individuals anchor and adjust their ideological predispositions in the new polity, and the extent to which imported ideology enhances the likelihood of immigrants' political engagement once in their new home. Empirical tests take advantage of two unique survey datasets of Mexican immigrants residing in the United States; one of which incorporates a survey embedded experiment. Results show that immigrants' ideological predispositions in the country of origin do anchor these individuals' ideological predispositions in the new host country in terms of intensity and directionality. Most importantly, imported ideology does heighten the prospects of immigrants' electoral participation in the United States.     

A School-Based Approach to HIV Prevention for Inner-City African-American and Hispanic Adolescent Females

This study examined the efficacy of a school-based HIVIAIDS prevention intervention for African-American and Hispanic adolescent females. Participants, 60 high school freshmen enrolled in an inner-city parochial high school, were randomly assigned to either HIVIAIDS prevention or attention-placebo womanhood interventions. Significant ethnic differences were found, with African- American adolescents reporting notably higher levels of sexual assertiveness and comfort discussing AIDS preventivc behaviors, as compared to Hispanic adolesccnt females. Further, both African-American and Hispanic participants who received the HIV/AIDS prevention intervention increased their knowledge of AIDS, more so than participants in the attention-placebo condition. These findings highlight the importance of culture in the design of relevant and sensitive HIV/AIDS prevention interventions for ethnic minority youth.     

Partisan self-interest and electoral reform: The new Italian electoral law of 2005

In December 2005, Italy's mixed-member electoral system was replaced with a system of bonus-adjusted proportional representation. The reform conformed with rational-choice models in that it was imposed by the ruling coalition, which sought to bolster its own power interests. But the case illustrates the impossibility of reducing such power-based motivation to a single goal, such as seat maximization. Power is shaped by many factors, and electoral systems influence many of these. This article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the various power-oriented considerations that may operate in electoral reform. It then analyses the role these played in Italy. It argues, in particular, for the need to take account of coalition dynamics when studying such processes.