State structure and political representation: Comparing the views of statewide and sub‐state legislators across 14 countries

How the recent creation, re‐invention or reinforcement of regional levels of political decision making across Europe compounds political representation is one of the key issues of contemporary democratic government. Despite growing scholarly interest, the critical question as to whether the regional institutional setting has brought about distinct representational roles among sub‐state legislators has yet to be addressed. To advance research in this field, this study bridges the literature on multilevel politics and legislative studies that to date have developed in isolation. Using innovative survey data from 14 statewide and 56 regional legislatures across Europe, it provides the first comprehensive test of how the state structure affects a legislator's views on representation. The results highlight that, relative to legislators in unitary states and national legislators in multilevel states, legislators at the regional level are more constituency‐oriented. Moreover, this heightened responsiveness to constituents at the regional level is not offset by weaker collective representation operating through political parties. Beyond these findings’ immediate relevance to scholars of federalism/regionalisation and parliaments, they also speak to the wider normative debate about the quality of political representation and public policy.     

Can the use of minipublics backfire? Examining how policy adoption shapes the effect of minipublics on political support among the general public

Academics and practitioners are increasingly interested in deliberative minipublics and whether these can address widespread dissatisfaction with contemporary politics. While optimism seems to prevail, there is also talk that the use of minipublics may backfire. When the government disregards a minipublic's recommendations, this could lead to more dissatisfaction than not asking for its advice in the first place. Using an online survey experiment in Belgium (n = 3,102), we find that, compared to a representative decision-making process, a minipublic tends to bring about higher political support when its recommendations are fully adopted by the government, whereas it generates lower political support when its recommendations are not adopted. This study presents novel insights into whether and when the use of minipublics may alleviate or aggravate political dissatisfaction among the public at large.     

Governance reforms and public acceptance of regulatory decisions: Cross-national evidence from linked survey experiments on pesticides authorization in the European Union

Do governance reforms affect public acceptance of regulatory decisions, and if so, how? We tackled this critical but under-studied question through a pair of linked survey experiments on public attitudes toward the reform of European Union (EU) pesticides regulation among a representative sample of the adult population in six EU member states. We tested the expectation that citizens are more likely to accept a regulatory decision that runs counter to their prior policy preferences if it is taken under a procedure they support. We first conducted a conjoint experiment to study whether the specific design of decision-making procedures impacts public support for EU pesticide regulation. In a second linked experiment, we asked respondents whether farmers should be allowed to use glyphosate, the best known and most controversial pesticide. We then asked respondents if they would accept an authorization decision on glyphosate contrary to their prior expressed preference if it were taken under a decision-making procedure they supported. The results demonstrate that a regulatory decision-making procedure respondents support increases their willingness to accept a hypothetical authorization decision contrary to their prior expressed preference. Contrary to the findings of previous research, our study thus provides strong evidence that governance reforms supported by citizens can enhance acceptance of controversial regulatory decisions, even on politicized issues such as pesticides authorization.     

关于工会开展经济技术创新活动的调查与思考

创新是社会进步的灵魂,是推进经济社会发展的不竭动力.尤其在加快转变经济发展方式的攻坚时期,开展职工经济技术创新活动,更能充分挖掘职工潜力,调动职工积极性,实现技术创新、服务创新,提高企业经济效益、增加职工收入、增强企业的生存能力和核心竞争力.工会理应在推动职工科技创新活动中发挥其独特的作用.     

关于狱政管理专业毕业生在岗基本情况的调查

文章是针对原辽宁省大连监狱的21届狱政管理专业毕业生的真实情况而撰写的调查报告。文中根据调研掌握的监狱机关及毕业生对警校狱政管理专业教学的要求,提出了"应加大实践教学力度"和"专业教学与素质教育有机结合、拓展教育空间"等可行性意见。     

1 601例盆腔炎性疾病及其后遗症患者中医证型分布特征

目的 探究盆腔炎性疾病（pelvic inflammatory disease,PID）和盆腔炎性疾病后遗症（sequelae of pelvic inflammatory disease,SPID）患者中医证型分布特征。方法 以成都中医药大学附属医院为牵头单位,通过横断面调查,对全国17个省、自治区、直辖市的22家医院的1 601例PID和SPID患者（其中PID患者874例,SPID患者727例）的中医证候特征进行分析。结果 PID以湿热蕴结证（占40.96%）、湿热瘀结证（占30.32%）、瘀热内结证（占10.64%）、热毒炽盛证（占7.89%）为常见证型;盆腔炎性疾病反复发作急性期以湿热瘀结证（占22.39%）、气滞血瘀夹湿热证（占22.39%）为常见证型;SPID非急性加重期以湿热瘀结证（占38.52%）为常见证型;其中慢性盆腔疼痛、盆腔炎性疾病反复发作、不孕症以湿热瘀结证为常见证型。PID患者湿热蕴结证、湿热瘀结证在所有地区的分布频率均较高,瘀热内结证、热毒炽盛证在西南地区分布较多;SPID患者的证型中,西南、华中、华南地区以湿热瘀结证、气滞血瘀证较多见,气虚血瘀证在华中、西北地区分布频率较高,肾虚血瘀证在华东、华北地区分布频率较高,寒湿凝滞证在西北、东北地区分布较多;中医证型与地区分布的差异有统计学意义（P＜0.05）。结论 PID和SPID中医证型分布具有一定规律性,地区分布存在一定差异性,可为临床因地制宜地辨证治疗PID提供一定的参考依据。     

刑事和解公众接受度的实证分析

是否引进刑事和解制度,除应从立法、执法的角度考虑外还应考虑守法公众对刑事和解的接受度。问卷调查表明,大多数被害人接受刑事和解这一新型刑事替代纠纷解决机制是出于无奈,因为刑事和解可能成为"富人游戏",造成司法不公;刑事和解矫治加害人心理的功能较差;刑事和解是被害人的无奈之选。建立国家先行偿付制度和建立社区矫正制度是增设刑事和解制度的有效对策。     

To Denounce,or Not To Denounce: Survey Experiments on Diplomatic Quarrels

Despite widespread concern over heated diplomatic debates and growing interest in public diplomacy, it is still incompletely understood what type of message is more effective for gaining support from foreign public, or the international society, in situations where disputing countries compete in diplomatic campaigns. This study, through multiple survey experiments, uncovers the effect of being silent, issuing positive justification, and negative accusation, in interaction with the opponent’s strategy. We demonstrate that negative verbal attacks “work” and undermine the target’s popularity as they do in electoral campaigns. Unlike domestic electoral campaigns, however, negative diplomacy has little “backlash” and persuades people to support the attacker. Consequently, mutual verbal fights make neither party more popular than the other. Nevertheless, this does not discourage disputants from waging verbal fights due to the structure similar to the one-shot prisoner’s dilemma. We also find that positive messages are highly context-dependent—that is, their effects greatly depend on the opponent’s strategy and value proximity between the messenger and the receiver.     

Tools of single party hegemony in Tanzania: evidence from surveys and survey experiments

Political systems dominated by a single party are common in the developing world, including in countries that hold regular elections. Yet we lack knowledge about the strategies by which these regimes maintain political dominance. This article presents evidence from Tanzania, a paradigmatic dominant party regime, to demonstrate how party institutions are used instrumentally to ensure the regime's sustained control. First, I show that the ruling party maintains a large infrastructure of neighbourhood representatives, and that in the presence of these agents, citizens self-censor about their political views. Second, I provide estimates of the frequency with which politicians give goods to voters around elections, demonstrating that such gifts are more common in Tanzania than previous surveys suggest. Third, I use a survey experiment to test respondents’ reaction to information about corruption. Few voters change their preferences upon receipt of this information. Taken together, this article provides a detailed picture of ruling party activities at the micro-level in Tanzania. Citizens conceal opposition sympathies from ten cell leaders, either because they fear punishment or seek benefits. These party agents can monitor citizens’ political views, facilitating clientelist exchange. Finally, citizens’ relative insensitivity to clientelism helps explain why politicians are not punished for these strategies.     

用人单位视角下高职学生道德素质维度测评

测评分析发现,当前大学生的职业道德素养存在令人担忧之处。在选拔毕业生时,用人单位强调毕业生的诚信意识,任用和提拔时更注重团队合作、敬业精神、责任意识。因此,高职院校应重视职业道德教育,开发符合学校实际和被用人单位认可的职业道德素养培养模式,建立大学生职业道德素养培养考核体系,培养出"德技双馨"的受用人单位欢迎的高素质、高技能人才。